No Other Law

Presidential Address to Ard-Fheis 2006

2006-11-27T12:11:00.000-08:00

Address to Ard-Fheis 2006

A Chathaoirligh, a Theachtaí is a Cháirde ar fad, Fearaim céad mile fáilte romhaibh go léir ag an Ard-Fheis seo n 102ú de chuid Shinn Féin. You are all most welcome to this, the 102nd Ard- Fheis of Sinn Féin. The past year has been an extremely busy one for our members. No sooner was the Christmas period of collections and fund-raising over for the dependants of the Republican Prisoners. – and this was very successful I am glad to report – than we were faced with a proposed Loyalist-march through the centre of Dublin.

This situation was debated at the monthly Ard-Chomhairle meetings in December, January and February. Most insensitively the march was scheduled to pass by Parnell Street, Talbot Street, Sackville Place and South Leinster Street which were the scenes of no-warning bombings which killed many innocent civilians. These were perpetrated by Loyalist death-squads operating in collusion with British forces of occupation in Ireland. In the armed struggle for Irish national independence since 1969 more than 1000 members of the British forces and over 400 Republicans were killed.

The nationalist community lost in excess of 1000 innocent and uninvolved people due to deliberate assassinations carried out as a matter of policy by the Loyalist death squads. The Sunday Business Post of September 4 last year stated that of the 698 members of the unionist community killed “340 died at the hands of loyalists”. It went on: “Since the first ceasefires in 1994, the vast majority of Protestant (their term not ours) victims have been killed by loyalists in internecine feuds”. It would appear, then, that the sponsors of the Dublin march should have been marching on the UDA and UVF headquarters in Belfast.

Keenly aware at grass roots level of the rising tide of disquiet and concern in Dublin and beyond, Republican Sinn Féin sought to give this debate a political focus by mounting a peaceful protest picket on the route of the proposed march. We did not seek to stop it and we departed the scene when the march was abandoned. Republican Sinn Féin asked publicly if nationalist parades of whatever kind, would be allowed through Belfast’s Royal Avenue or the centre of Portadown.

The British forces would certainly block them. Those who failed to have this loyalist march forced through the centre of Dublin at the end of last February had claimed a near-monopoly of suffering for themselves and ignored the sacrifices of the nationalist community over the past few decades. Republican Sinn Féin would not allow such a distortion of events to go unchallenged through the centre of our capital city. Further, we acted in solidarity with the beleaguered nationalists of the Garvaghy road, of Ardoyne, the Lower Ormeau Road, Dunloy and other areas which have hadtriumphalist loyalist marches imposed on them year after year.

In contrast the 26-County Administration and others had turned their backs on these communities by collaborating with the attempted loyalist march. When the British government finally leaves Ireland and loyalist marches will no longer be a question of supremacy of unionists over nationalists, then all interests will be welcome and free to parade wherever they choose. On that day in Dublin Republicans stood under a banner which quoted Wolfe Tone’s immortal words: “Unite Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter ... to break the connection with England”. Among the leaflets distributed was the pamphlet An Address to the People of Ireland which makes a special appeal to people of unionist persuasion.

The text asks “everybody to consider again our ÉIRE NUA programme for a four-province federal Ireland with optimum devolution of powers down to community level”. Of course, our statements, press conferences and political appeals issued since mid-December due to our awareness of the situation were ignored by the 26-County media. Only the northern press, radio and television took notice of our concerns. When the Dublin media finally reacted it was much too late. They deplored the situation which they had deliberately ignored for months.

We stated that the march was ill-advised but they would not listen. Similarly, Republican Sinn Féin will oppose politically the proposed official visit of the Queen of England to Dublin, the first such visit since 1911 – 95 years. There is nothing personal in this attitude. Republicans simply contest and reject the claim of the English Establishment to style her “Queen of Northern Ireland”. That is all.

When that claim to part of Ireland is relinquished, then the crowned head of England will be received just as any other head of state. But not until then - - - This past year has been the 25th anniversary of the H-Block hungerstrike deaths in 1981. Republican Sinn Féin’s ceremonies were worthy and respectful. They kept to the letter and the spirit of what the 10 hunger strikes died for and began with a very fitting event at the graves of Frank Stagg and Michael Gaughan in Ballina, Co Mayo in February. May saw the Bobby Sands commemorative parades in Dublin and Galway on the 6th and at the grave of Raymond Mac Creesh in Camloch, Co Armagh on the 21st. On that occasion it was stated that “the bogus claim made by the Provos that the Stormont Agreement of 1998 was a logical succession to the hunger-strike deaths of 1981 was equivalent to the Free Staters’ assertion that the 26-County State arose out of the Easter Rising of 1916. “Both claims were fraudulent.

The partitionist and collaborationist 26- County State came from England’s Government of Ireland Act and Treaty of Surrender in the early 1920s. The present Six-County Statelet, with or without Stormont, was an instrument of British rule here and a denial of all Raymond Mac Creesh, Bobby Sands and their comrades suffered and died for”. In June and July Joe Mac Donnell was honoured at Carrick-on- Shannon and Martin Hurson in Longford-Westmeath .

A most inspiring event was held at Dungiven in honour of Kevin Lynch and the other Co Derry hunger-strikers on the last Saturday in July. Other commemorations were held farther south; those in Mooncoin, Co Kilkenny and Cahersiveen, Co Kerry were particularly successful. The annual parade with bands through Bundoran, Co Donegal at the end of August for all the hunger-strikers was the biggest and best since 1981. Increasingly people were coming to realise that the so-called “process” led only into a cul-de-sac – it simply made British rule here stronger and the Movement weaker. Seán Maguire’s address at Bodenstown 2006 quoted two telling points from notable Englishmen. A.J. P. Taylor, Professor of History at Oxford University wrote in 1973 in the course of reviewing a book on Roger Casement: “Here is Casement’s message for the present day. There is no Irish problem without solution. The problem that had marked Ireland for centuries is the British presence in Ireland. That problem can only be solved by British withdrawal”.

Of interest also is the quotation from General Macready, British military commander in Ireland, in a memorandum to the British Cabinet, May 23, 1921; “I am convinced that by October, unless a peaceful solution has been reached, it will not be safe to ask the troops to continue there another winter under the conditions which obtained during the last”. So much for the claim that the IRA was exhausted at the Truce of 1921. In this connection one can only speculate as to what the British cabinet papers of the past 20 years will reveal in the future regarding the collapse of the Provisional IRA while still intact, still in the field and still holding the initiative.

This took place under the direction of a leadership which employed duplicity and treachery as they lusted for office administering British rule in Ireland. Meanwhile they seek to join the ranks of the enemy forces Such a course will involve persecuting their former comrades and the nationalist population in general.

Who is there to cry “Shame, Shame” now? Mo náire sibh agus ainmneacha na stailceoirí ocrais in bhúr mbéil! Eventually, in April last, following on 22 years of diligent research came the publication of the biography of the President. It has been launched each month since at different venues in the four provinces and in the United States.

The various historians, academics, journalists and community workers who have performed the launching ceremonies have all agreed that this is an important book. They have stated that it is deeply researched and documented, that it is essential reading for a knowledge of the past 50 years of Irish history and that it presents the basic Republican viewpoint on the historic Irish Question. They have rated it as one of the half-dozen really serious works on the period.

On behalf of all of you I wish to express appreciation to the author Robert W White for his labours, to Indiana University Press for a fine publication and to Ed Moloney, formerly of the Irish Times and the Sunday Tribune, for writing the Foreword. It must be borne in mind that while the facts were checked with the subject of the biography, the assessments, judgments and conclusions reached were essentially those of Professor White. This book, taken together with the original source material lodged last year with the James Hardiman Library in the National University of Ireland Galway, provide a valuable basis for the study of Irish Republicanism in that period of history by journalists, historians, students and all interested parties. It is useful to have the record set down and available to all.

Incidentally, when the subject of the biography sought a Visa to visit New York for a weekend to attend the book launch there, his application was referred to the State Department in Washington and refused at the last minute. As happened under the Clinton Administration the grounds for refusal under the Bush regime were the rejection by your President of the current British process which seeks to copper-fasten English rule in our country for all time. However, a message was sent to be read out and we were ably represented there.

The year now drawing to a close has marked the 90th anniversary of the historic Easter Rising of 1916. This event brought about the birth of the world-wide anti-colonial movement, caused the renaissance of idealism in Ireland and broke the imperial myth that the Irish people could not resist English occupation in arms. Every Easter since 1916, faithful Republicans have commemorated and celebrated this momentous action, have distributed the Easter Lily and worn it proudly in memory of the men and women of Easter Week and of all, in every generation, who have died for Irish freedom.

True Republicans have had their commemorations banned and attacked by British and 26-County forces, the public display of the national flag prohibited and have suffered imprisonment for insisting on honouring 1916. On the other hand, the 26-County State has ignored and denigrated the memory and legacy of 1916 for 35 years – more than a generation. This year they rushed to claim ownership of the 90th anniversary and the centenary celebrations. They accused faithful Republicans who have never abandoned 1916 of hijacking its legacy.

Was there ever such brass effrontery by those who banned commemorations of 1916, jailed the organisers and baton-charged participants on Dublin’s O’Connell St.? The Proclamation of the All-Ireland Republic, 1916 declared “the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland to be sovereign and indefeasible”. That right, it stated could not “ever be extinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people”. On that ground we in Republican Sinn Féin take our stand. “Civil and religious liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities” were guaranteed to all citizens, yet one in seven children in the State were in consistent poverty (Central Statistics Office 2003). More than one fifth of the population were functionally illiterate.

The English government still rules the Six occupied counties and two-thirds of the laws in the other 26 Counties are enacted by the EU in Brussels. All this is a far cry from the situation visualised in the Proclamation. All of our commemorations last Easter showed a marked increase in attendance. Noteworthy were the unveiling on Easter Monday in Bundoran of a number of plaques at the Republican Memorial Garden there and the ceremony outside the Dublin GPO on the weekend anniversary by date of the Rising.

The booklet Our Own Red Blood, by Seán Cronin, first published in 1966 and re-issued in 1976, was brought out again this year by Irish Freedom Press. Its last sentence makes the point for all to see; “Accordingly, the promise of the Easter Rising, as enunciated in the Proclamation, remains unfulfilled”. Very far removed from the spirit of 1916 was the decision of the GAA in 2001 to allow members of the British forces of occupation in Ireland to join the association.

The Daily Ireland newspaper of August 29 last described that decision as “the GAA bowing to massive political pressure” and noted that although five of the six county boards in the occupied area were opposed, Mary Mac Aleese and Bertie Ahern both spoke publicly in favour of the occupation forces being admitted. The change to the 117-year old policy came “just weeks after the RUC came to be known as the PSNI”. The paper recorded that “throughout the conflict GAA members travelling to and from games were targeted by the RUC, Ulster Defence Regiment and the British Army”. It took until 2005 for the RUC/PSNI cadets team to be admitted to the Sigerson Cup students competition, while “their senior counterparts have found it more difficult to find opponents”, the paper went on. Daily Ireland followed with an interview with “GAA pundit” Joe Brolly who declared that he would be playing with his team, St. Brigid’s in Belfast, in a match against the RUC/PSNI two days later. He described this as “playing a match against the cops”.

Republican Sinn Féin Vice- President Des Dalton, himself a member of the GAA, replied in a statement that such activity was “simply part and parcel of the ongoing campaign by the political establishments in both the Six and 26 counties to normalise British rule in Ireland”. The harsh political reality was that by hosting such games the GAA is sending out a signal that the British colonial military and police are a normal part of Irish society, he continued. The British military and police presence was abnormal and the root cause of conflict in our country. Such games were an attempt to encourage young Irish people join the forces of the British Crown in Ireland by instilling in them the notion that the RUC/PSNI are a normal police force, policing a normal society, he concluded. How long will it be before the naming of GAA clubs, teams and grounds in honour of Irish patriots is forbidden by the GAA?

During the same month of August, the hunger strike martyr Kevin Lynch who had captained the Derry under-16 All Ireland hurling champions in 1972, had the local GAA park in Dungiven and a senior hurling club named in his honour. Is not the premier GAA stadium in Ulster named after Roger Casement? Throughout the Six Occupied Counties repression is visited officially on faithful Republicans while unofficial loyalist gangs prowl the streets in some areas targeting ordinary nationalists for mayhem and even murder. During June Republican homes in Co Fermanagh were raided by British Crown Forces in the Lisnakea area. In one area all members of the family were put out on the street while the house was minutely searched. The father, a member of the Ard-Comhairle of Republican Sinn Féin was and taken to Antrim barracks for interrogation before being released. In another instance the family were herded into one room while the house was ransacked. Acomputer, all documents and papers dealing with family finances and the business in which they are engaged were seized. No supervision of the raiding in either case was permitted. The name of the RUC has changed but otherwise these aspects of British rule remain the same.

The sectarian murder of 15-year old Michael Mac Ilveen who died on May 8 following a beating by a loyalist gang in Ballymena, Co Antrim the previous day was another barbaric reminder to nationalists of how little has changed. Acompanion who had visited a local cinema with him was chased by the gang and fortunately escaped. A well-known political commentator (Susan MacKay) writing in the Irish Times Weekend Review of May 13 stated: “British rule in any part of Ireland is unstable and bound to rely in the final analysis on sectarianism. The ideology that drives unionist sectarianism is based on its semi-detached relationship with the British state.

The Stormont Agreement served only to institutionalise sectarianism, forcing people to adopt sectarian labels to describe themselves politically”. Indeed, given the absence of the national question from publicised debate in the Six counties since 1998, the incidence of segregated housing and sectarian attacks has increased greatly. A DUP councillor (Roy Gillespie) said publicly that young Michael Mac Ilveen “won’t get into Heaven unless he is saved”. An Irish flag with the murder victim’s name inscribed on it was burned on a loyalist bonfire locally, but there were no prosecutions under the much-lauded British legislation outlawing “ Incitement to Hatred”. All-Ireland democracy with maximum local power, as provided for in the ÉIRE NUA programme, is the sure antidote to such excesses. The findings of the Barr report into the John Carthy siege at Abbeylara, Co Longford in April 2000 were published last July. They exposed a complete lack of humanity and basic common sense by the 26-County police in their failure to deal competently and compassionately with a mentally-ill young man. The report cannot be just shelved by the Dublin Government but must be acted on to ensure that similar tragedies do not happen in the future.

Taken together with the Morris findings into the disgraceful conduct of members of the Gardaí in Co Donegal, we have seen a totally unaccountable force with its Emergency Response Unit being allowed by the 26-County State to act with impunity against ordinary citizens. This is something to which Republicans can only too well testify. Members of the force have been exposed “planting” explosives, arms and ammunition for “discovery” later on both sides of the Border. Surely it is past time to place police in a clearly-defined, independent and publicly accountable framework.

Similarly, the Barron investigation into the Dublin-Monaghan bombings of 1975 has been obstructed in its work by the total refusal of the British government to cooperate with it. In addition, relevant files have been “missing” from the 26-County Department of Justice and also from Garda headquarters. To date Barron points at “probable collusion” between the British forces and loyalist paramilitaries but finds its work blocked at political and official level by both British and 26-County states. In the case of the cross-border murder of Séamus Ludlow in 1976, there was another downright refusal by the British forces to cooperate despite significant evidence pointing at four perpetrators.

The Ludlow family were treated very badly by the 26-County forces and the name of Séamus himself was smeared when he was dead and no longer able to speak for himself. The British security service, - the MI5 – was believed to be heavily involved in such cross-border bombings and assassinations in the 1970s. It is relevant to note that in the new Stormont proposals the M15 – and not the RUC/PSNI – will be responsible directly to the British Cabinet for so-called “national security” in the Six Occupied Counties. Whitehall and Downing St. will continue to hold the whip-hand in such matters.

Even as we deliberate here this weekend a massive new headquarters for the M15 in the Six Counties is being built in the greater Belfast area – a portent of things to come. Agus muid i dtreo chomóradh an chéid dÉirí Amach 1916, tá sé thar am again muid féin a Ghaelú agus plean céimnithe deimhnithe a leagan síos chuige sin. Má Glactar le scéim chuimsitheach de phleananna grádaithe chúig bhliana i dtosach. Bíodh gach plean chúig bhliana i bhfoirm moltaí; roghnoidh in bhallraíocht trí chinn ar a laighead asta seo, siad sin na baill i ngach brainse de Ghluaiseacht na Poblachta. Déanfar é sin a a mhonatorú agus é dá chur i bhfeidhim. Thiocfadh liosta eile moltaí le roghnú as ón Ard-Oifig faoi cheann cúig bhliana agus mar sin ar aghaidh ar feadh 32 bhliain go dtí 2048, Comóradh Éirí Amach 1848. Faoi’n am sin bhéadh na seanfhondúirí nach bhfuair seans í a fhoghlaim – sna Sé Chontae nó sna 26 Chontae – básaithe, agus cuid mhaith dínn-ne ina measc siúd. Beidh an-mhéadú ar scoileanna lán-Ghaeilge ar fud na tíre faoin sprioc-bhliain le Cúnamh Dé. D’fhéadfadh sé go n-eireodh lena leithéid seo de phlean.

Cuirimís chuige, in ainm Dé What is being advocated, as we approach the centenary of 1916, is a definite step-by-step programme to Gaelicise ourselves and our Movement. This could take the form of a comprehensive scheme of Five Year plans over a 40 year period. For instance small steps to begin with, e.g. in the first five years the membership would pick at least three from five recommendations: (1) five per cent of all written material emanating from us to be in Irish; (2) that the “fada” or long accent be included in all Irish words (Seán, Séamus, etc); (3) no transalations of phrases like Sinn Féin , Bord na Móna, Páirc Uí Chaoimh or C I É., as if Irish was a lesser language; (4) that the ridiculous expression “chair” be dropped in favour of “Cathaoirleach” and “A Chathaoirligh” when addressing that person; (5) that each member would cease saying “thanks” or “thank you” and that “Go raibh maith agat”or “Go raibh maith agaibh” when speaking to more than one would be used instead. Members would be asked to pick three of these. They are so simple that I would hope all five would be chosen. Practical steps such as these would be so much more attainable than passing pious resolutions which do not require us to do anything concrete. Our national draw tickets, for example, already exceed the five per cent in Irish suggested.

This year 2006 marks the centenary of the birth of Máirtín Ó Cadhain, the most acclaimed writer of prose in Irish in the 20th century. An active Republican for many years, on his release from the Curragh Concentration Camp in 1944 he devoted the rest of his life to writing and campaigning for the Irish language. His novel, Cré na Cille, was chosen by UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, for translation into several European languages. Máirtín famously said on one occasion that while it was possible to shame Fianna Fáil in the matter of neglect of the Irish language it was very difficult to embarrass Fine Gael. Now while the predecessor of the latter party, Cumann na nGaedheal, did good work in regard to the language in the first ten years of the Free State from 1922 to ’32, Fine Gael has led the climb down in that regard since 1961. Their election manifesto in that year marked their turning point. An earlier move by others in 1957 was the dissolution of the Coláisti Ullmhúcháin and the consequent deterioration in the standard of proficiency in Irish of primary teachers.

Now Fine Gael seeks to water down Irish in the Leaving Certificate examination. Their founders argued in favour of the Treaty of Surrender in 1921-22 by saying that it gave control of education and that the Irish language could be restored with such powers. At the present time with Gael-scoileanna – fully Irish primary schools – increasing steadily in numbers, Fine Gael seeks to sabotage and cut off the good work at the far end of secondary education. A chairde, the Irish language is central to our being; it is an essential part of the Irish nation. Just as the national territory cannot be abandoned, even by referendum, an Ghaeilge cannot be thrown away even by plebiscite. To do so would be treason to the Irish nation and would be a giant step towards its destruction – something we in Republican Sinn Féin will never tolerate.

It is time to embarrass Fine Gael for its creeping treachery to our Irish language. On the international scene the imperialist war in Iraq, begun by England and the United States in defiance of the United Nations, has continued with the number of Iraqi civilians killed now numbering more that 600,000.

The Dublin government keeps providing Shannon Airport as a feeder base for the war. Even with the Guantanamo Bay barbarity and the Abu Graib brutality, no measures are taken to ensure “rendition” flights do not avail of facilities at Shannon. The United Nations rapporteur on torture, Manfred Novac, stated on the Pat Kenny Show, RTÉ radio on May 9 last: “flights through Shannon should be inspected including private aircraft used for State purposes”. But no, the 26-County establishment will not assert Irish neutrality.

For our part we must continue to support anti-war protests. Ar chósta thiar na h-Éireann, i gceantar Iorrais, Co Mhuigheo tá agóid ar bun le sé bhliain anuas i nGaeltacht Ros Dumhach. Teastaíonn ó mhuintir na h-áite go ndéanfar gás na “Coiribe” a scagadh amuigh ar an bhfairrge in ionad é a dhéanamh i measc an phobail ag Béal an Átha Buí. Cúrsaí sláinte agus slandála atá ag déanamh tinnis dóibh ach chosnódh bealach oibre na ndaoine níos mó ar chomhlacht Shell. Sin é croí na ceiste. At our last Ard-Fheis we were addressed by Máire Harrington, a local schoolteacher in Drumhach, Co. Mayo and a leader of the “Shell to Sea” protest there. She explained the local people’s opposition to the Shell project which sought to have the raw gas refined among the community at Bellanaboy. The locals wanted the gas refined at sea for reasons of health and safety. The Shell Company was treating the local community in much the same manner as it dealt with Third World people. Ten years earlier at our 1995 Ard-Fheis we protested against the executions of Ken Sara-Wiwa and seven other members of the Ogoni community in Nigeria. The military dictatorship there had acted in collaboration with the same Shell Company which was exploiting oil deposits in the Ogoni homeland. Similarly, the 26-County police were deployed in support of Shell at Ros Dumhach and against the local people.

Early each morning they escort the Shell contractors into the proposed terminal site at Bellanaboy. We witnessed on television the same Máire Harrington being deliberately knocked down and hospitalised by the Gardaí. We pledge our continued support to the Shell to Sea protest. A campaign spokesman accurately described the police action as “a co-ordinated assault designed to delegitimise and criminalise local opposition to Shell’s project in Mayo”. In the same manner Irish Ferries, Gama and other big companies seek to exploit workers, both foreign and native. Our members took part and carried banners in protest marches against the action of Irish F erries in displacing Irish workers by making them redundant and replacing them by foreign operatives for much reduced wages.

Gama was found to be exploiting foreign workers in a most outrageous fashion. An urgent problem facing the entire international community is the question of global warming caused by the emission of greenhouse gases. It is difficult to envisage this being countered without the cooperation of some of the world’s largest carbon dioxide emitters, e,g, the US and China. These two countries are not bound by the 1998 Kyoto Protocol which aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to levels lower than those in 1990. Indeed the US which has 4 per cent of the world’s population continues to emit 25% of world greenhouse gases. Washington refuses to be bound by Kyoto on the grounds that the agreement would damage the US economy. So do we just wait until much greater damage is done to the whole world by rising coastal waters and flooding in winter, drought in summer, storms, falling crop yields, heat-related mortality and death of species. Here in Ireland we saw a short-sighted decision not to introduce carbon taxes and the growing use of “gas-guzzling” SUVs (sports utility vehicles) even where there is no economic necessity for such. The growing use of private transport, commuting to work and development of roads rather than of public transport have contributed to the likelihood that the State’s emissions will be 16 per cent above the Kyoto target by 2010. The result will be substantial fines on the State and the purchase of credits for emission from low-discharge countries. Greater use of renewable energy (wind, wave and solar) in electricity generation and biofuels in transport plus the encouragement of heat-retaining measures in house construction should help our performance.

A matter that has touched the hearts and minds of Republicans in recent months has been the protest campaign by the prisoners in Maghaberry Jail, Co. Antrim. They seek political status, won by the hunger-strikers in 1981 and abolished under the Stormont Agreement of 1998. The right to wear their own clothes was retained and earlier protests in 2001 and 2003 won back the right to abstain from penal labour and separation from loyalists and ordinary prisoners. But in their separate accommodation they have been victimised and treated in many ways worse than ordinary prisoners. “FreeAssociation” on landings has been completely removed and is replaced by “controlled movement”. Prisoners have been made to choose between daily exercise and education. They are denied facilities to organise their own education and the right to spend their time in prison constructively. They are locked in their cells for alternately 21/23 hours per day while the Governor has power to punish by taking away remission of sentence. This capacity of prison governors was banned by the European Court of Human Rights in 2002 but was later reintroduced specifically for Republican prisoners. Access to a doctor is available only once per week. Irish language and cultural items including handcrafts made relating to the hunger-strikers are confiscated or destroyed by prison warders. Easter Lilies are banned to prisoners and their visitors. Breaking this rule means punishment for prisoners, but of course British Poppies are on sale in the prison shop. Parole entitlement has been reduced to half that of other prisoners and parole for funerals of immediate family members is often restricted to six hours or less.

Prisoners returning from parole are put in punishment cells for 48 hours. Family visits are closed, i.e. they take place through a Perspex screen. The abuse of a sniffer dog routine has resulted in priests and pensioners alike being refused visits. Use of the canteen for meals is denied and prisoners were forced to eat in cells which also contain toilets. Protests on the outside by family members and supporters gained no publicity. Accordingly on June 19 Republican prisoners embarked on a programme of non-cooperation with the prison regime. First, television sets were removed from cells to the landing.

Then education and gymnastics were abandoned. This was followed by a refusal to eat meals in the cells. Whatever eatables were available from the prison shop were purchased in order to sustain life. This, of course, is not adequate and the prisoners have been losing weight steadily. The first phase of protest continued for a month but despite constant press releases no publicity whatever was gained. Then during July the prisoners embarked on a 24-hour hunger strike once a week, later increasing to a 48-hour strike and eventually stepped up to a 72-hour or three-day strike every week. In this action they were supported by Republican prisoners in Portlaoise prison who went on a similar hunger strike each week in sympathy with their comrades in Maghaberry. On the outside support demonstrations for the protesting prisoners were stepped up. White-line pickets, public meetings and leafleting were engaged in. The Republican Prisoners Action Group (RPAG) deserves great commendation for its work in producing leaflets, organising events and co-ordinating activities with Republican Sinn Féin in this regard. Outstanding in this series were the demonstrations in Belfast on July 8 and September 2, in Lurgan on August 19 and Newtownbutler on September 23, while the Eve of the All-Ireland Rally outside Dublin’s GPO on September 16 was very successful. At all hunger strike commemorations on both sides of the Border the statement of June 20 from the OC Republican POWs in Maghaberry announcing the commencement of the protest was read. But there was a complete media black-out in the 26 Counties on the plight of the prisoners and their consequent protest action.

In the Six Counties publicity has been minimal – confined to a few scanty references in the two nationalist daily papers. Speeches from speakers who travelled from south of the Border, including Des Dalton, Vice-President and Des Long of Limerick, went unreported. In order to break the media black-out, members of the Republican Prisoners Action Group travelled to St Andrews, Scotland, during the recent meetings there in October. Despite police harassment they succeeded in getting to within a mile of the venue, where they unfurled a large banner.

Police action hindered the media from approaching them, but there was a mention on Sky Television that evening. The protesters are to be complimented on their imaginative and spectacular action in support of the prisoners. On the international scene, activities took place during October from the United States to Glasgow, to Sweden.

Members of the National Irish Freedom Committee staged a demonstration outside the British Consulate in New York. Leaflets were distributed and storyboards carried depicting the political status struggle from 1981. In Sweden, the Ireland Information Group held pickets outside the British Embassy in Stockholm, the capital and outside the Consulate in Gothenburg, the second largest city. Members of the Francis Hughes Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin and the local Republican Prisoners Action Group distributed thousands of leaflets and sold copies of SAOIRSE outside the Celtic Football Ground in Glasgow.

The five demands of the protesting prisoners are: the Right to free association; an End to controlled movement; the Right to fulltime education; Separate visiting facilities; and the Right to organise their own landings. It will be noted that Free Association – always an essential part of political status – is strictly denied to Republican prisoners. The commemorations this year of the 25th anniversary of the H-Block hunger strikes by those who accepted the criminalisation of Irish Republican prisoners under the Stormont Agreement of 1998 is indeed an act of sickening hypocrisy. At this point certain matters need to be emphasised and brought to people’s attention.

First of all, the protest campaign in the prison was decided on, and embarked upon, by the prisoners themselves and by them alone. Their statement of June 20 says clearly: “The protest which we now embark upon will not end until our demands are met.” The conditions under which the protest will end will be a matter for the prisoners themselves and for them alone. Accordingly, we here this weekend salute the Maghaberry prisoners on their stand and on the action they are taking, and we pledge ourselves to continue our actions in support of them. We can do no less and still regard ourselves as true and faithful Republicans. Also during October came the St Andrews Agreement between the British and the 26-County governments. It was described officially as the “basis for an agreement” and “a formula to restore Stormont”.

Ireland was initially partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act 1920 of the British parliament. The undoing of Partition and of English rule in our country thus required a decision of Westminster. Far from evolving towards Irish National Independence, subsequent legislation of the British Parliament put additional locks on any movement in that direction. By the Ireland Act 1949, passed in Westminster, a decision by Stormont as well as by the British parliament was made necessary. Then the enactment by Westminster of the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1998, embodying the Stormont Agreement, enshrined the Veto on a free and united Ireland in the artificial and local Unionist majority in the Six Occupied Counties. In this manner was the triple lock on progress towards Irish Independence put in position. Now following on the St Andrews Agreement between London and Dublin, Paisley was able to announce that there was a “DUP Veto” on the much-vaunted cross-border bodies. AWestminster Veto, a Stormont Veto, a Unionist Veto and the latest a DUP Veto. So much for evolution or the gradual working out or development over 85 years in the direction of an end to British rule.

It has, in truth, been the reverse. Further it has to be borne in mind that in the end of the day, the British Cabinet is master and has power to overcome all vetoes. In 1986, 20 years ago, we were told that the Provos would “never, never, never” enter Stormont or Westminster. Now, having, so far as was in their power, stopped the war of national liberation and destroyed all arms under their control, they propose to accept and join the British police in Ireland. Some commentators, while admitting that Republican Sinn Féin forecast all of this, really doubted that we could have seen how far they would go at St Andrews. We could and did. And they will go even further. When they don the Black-and-Tan uniform and take up the Black-and-Tan gun and point it at us, and at the nationalist population generally, does anyone think they will hesitate if ordered by their British masters to shoot?

The sheer logic of the situation demands such an outcome. They will protect their illgotten gains, just as history teaches us. This is the stark reality behind Gerry Adams’s words when he tells a meeting in Belfast that he ‘accepts policing’. We all accept policing but not British policing in Ireland. This is the harsh actuality behind the Provo Ard-Chomhairle’s ‘qualified acceptance’ of the St Andrews proposals. Let no one say that they were not told the plain unvarnished truth of the matter. But history also teaches us that there is no final settlement short of British disengagement from Ireland. No matter what Blair and Hain, Ahern and Kenny, Adams and Paisley tell us, that is the situation. While the British government remains in Ireland, the historic Irish Question continues to be unsettled with all the consequences of that position. Those who ignore such realities have blinded themselves as to the way forward. The best hope in the wake of British disengagement lies in a nine-county Ulster, as part of a new four-province federation, with power and decision making shared naturally – not artificially – according to local majorities. All sections would, we believe, feel comfortable in such a New Ireland.

Victory to the Irish people!

An Phoblacht Abú!

"Let The People Of Rossport Be Heard!"

2006-11-02T12:20:00.000-08:00

NIFC Shell to Sea Video

The National Irish Freedom Committee (NIFC) has been helping publicise the struggle of the people of Rossport for quite some time now and we are the only Irish organisation here in America that has been vocal in our support of the community in Mayo, and have actively used all our resources to try help keep our membership, other concerned people, and the general public informed about what is going on there. We view it as an more obvious than usual attack on community that the fatcats in leinster house who couldnt care less about the "common people" as well as an anti-enviromental monster being put in in an ecologically pristine rural landscape. As Terence Conway says it the video "corruption goes across party lines". This is because the 26 county state is a overly centralised corrupt state, in which the Irish people have little to no say in their own affairs.

The National irish Freedom Committee fully endorses and promotes the visionary and democratic EIRE NUA programme as an alternative to the current partitioned set up in Ireland. The reasons we support and promote the EIRE NUA and SAOL NUA programmes is because they bring power down to the lowest level, right down to the community. Only through the way put forward in these documents can communities - the Irish people - have a say in how they are run. This is genuine power to the people, not just a slogan.

In an Ireland envisioned in EIRE NUA, situations such as Rossport simply could not occur. EIRE NUA is also the most enviromentally sound document put forward in building a new free Ireland.This video is the second video about Shell to Sea produced by the NIFC. The first was selected by Revolt Video, an Irish colective that distrubutes and screens activist based video and film, and was shown along with other Rossport video in Dublin on October11th.

This second video was initially on our website a few weeks ago, but due to email requests has been put back on to the main page. It is both in English and as gaeilge. You can view it by visiting the NIFC webssite at: www.irishfreedom.net and scrolling down to the latest Shell to Sea news, and clicking the related video link. It is just under 60 minutes. You are able to hear those who are directly involved in defence of their community and enviroment.Included in this film are:

* Terence Conway
* Caitlin ni Sheigin (as gaeilge & bearla)
* Willie Corduff & Family
* Sean Harrington (bearla & gaeilge)
* a journey through the area showing
* a visit to the Rossport Solidarity Camp

The National Irish Freedom Committee would also invite you to view other available video on our website, there is currently a filmed interview with Tan war veteran and Kerryman Dan Keating. Dan, who is patron of Republican Sinn Fein, is a 104 years old and the interview is of historical importance and offers a younger generation of activitsts both insight and inspiration, as he offers viewers a rare glimpse into a lifetime of struggle and commitment to the Republican Ideal. . The NIFC has also begun a free- form video discussion series, the first segment is online now. It feautures an interview with Richard Walsh, PRO of the Republican Prisoners Action Group. Even more so than the people of Rossport, political prisoners who are on protest to regain the right of political status are facing a media blackout. Learn more about the struggle for political status by viewing this video. Other up-coming segments will also provide a voice for those whom the establishment wish to silence and the mainstream media ignore. So keep an eye on the site as it is regualry updated.Support the communities of Rossport and Bellanaboy Support Eire Nua
_________________
Cumann Na Saoirse Náisíunta
National Irish Freedom Committee
http://www.irishfreedom.net/
nifcmem@optonline.net

US Book Launch of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh Biography

2006-10-11T20:37:00.000-07:00

No Other Law Asks That Anyone Who Can Attend, Promote And Support This Important Event Do So, To Show Support For Authentic Revolutionary Republicanism, Fenianism And the Eire Nua/Saol Nua Documents.

An Phoblacht Abu!

Date: Saturday, 21 October 2006 Venue: O'Lunney's Times Square Pub 145 W 45th St (Between 6th & Broadway) New York, NY 10036
http://www.olunneys.com/olunneys.html

Special Guest Speaker

5 - 7 PM ---- BOOK LAUNCHING ---- Indiana University Press Sponsor an evening with author Robert White. He will be reading from / discussing his book: Ruairi O'Bradaigh The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary.

BEIDH CÉAD MÍLE FÁILTE ROMHAT

(Everyone Welcome!)

No final settlement short of British disengagement.

2006-10-04T12:26:00.000-07:00

No final settlement short of British disengagement.

Statement by Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican Sinn Féin

Contrary to what today's British government statement says an agreement between the DUP and the Provos as to how to reconstitute Stormont will not be "a final settlement" of the historic "Irish Question".
Contrary to what today's British government statement says an agreement between the DUP and the Provos as to how to reconstitute Stormont will not be "a final settlement" of the historic "Irish Question".History teaches us that nothing short of total British government disengagement from Ireland will provide the basis for such a settlement.Already in the eight-and-a-half years of its existence, the Stormont Agreement of April 1998 has failed miserably, precisely because it did not address the basic question of the English government's presence here.That Agreement was concerned merely with restructuring British rule in Ireland and nothing beyond that. The conflict here from 1969 on was not simply about civil rights and a civil rights solution will not resolve the situation.Those who ignore such realities have blinded themselves as to the way forward. The best hope in the wake of British disengagement lies in a nine-county Ulster as part of a new four-province federation with power and decision-making shared naturally - not artificially - according to local majorities.All sections would feel comfortable in such a New Ireland.

www.rsf.ie

NIFC Report of 2006 Bundoran Commemoration

2006-09-12T12:30:00.000-07:00

Annual commemoration on the 25th anniversary Of the 1981 hunger strike held In Bundoran

- NIFC Editorial Staff
www.irishfreedom.net

This year’s annual commemoration marked the 25th anniversary of the 1981 hunger strike in Long Kesh Prison and has been held annually in Bundoran since 1984. The organizers must be congratulated for the smooth manner in which the march and memorial was conducted.

Joe O Neill, veteran Irish republican chaired the event and was ably assisted by a dedicated and experienced committee People from all over Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England were in attendance for this special occasion. A number of Cumann Na Saoirse Naisiunta (CnaS) activists were also in attendance.

Bob Loughman who is a member of the Emerald Society of the New York Police Dept. has attended the Bundoran hunger strike commemoration since it started in 1984. Bob accompanied their band at the inauguration of this event. The fact that many members of the New York Police Pipe Band were still serving in the NY police at the time brought tremendous pressure on them not to perform at the first hunger strike commemoration. Despite that pressure, all the members that were scheduled to march did so and demonstrated to the world that the hunger strikes were held in the highest esteem.

The people of Bundoran gave a very warm welcome to the returning six members who are now retired and who marched in a place of honor on this special occasion. It must also pointed out that they had already performed already in April of this year at the New York 25th. Anniversary commemoration of the 1981 hunger strike.

Prior to making a brief speech on the platform, Bob along with Ruairí Ó Brádaigh placed a wreath at the Republican Garden Of Remembrance on the parade route. Later from the platform, Bob paid tribute to the families of the hunger strikers and told them how much they have been loved and respected for their dignity. He spoke of the dedication of all of the hunger strikers and said that regardless of whether they were INLA or IRA they were young Irishmen who refused to be criminalized and died for a united Ireland and not for seats in Stormont or London.

A video of the entire event has been produced and is presented in four parts for easier viewing. (Will be posted shortly)

First Video:
Chairman Joe O Neill welcoming the crowd and starting the parade

Includes the march through Bundoran along with the four bands Laying of the Wreath by Ruairi O Bradaigh and Bob Loughman

Second Video:
The memorial service speeches by Anthony Mc Intyre (The Blanket)

Mary Ward, whose husband Pat Ward died in the 26 counties as a result of a of hunger strike while refusing to be criminalized

Mrs. A. Connors, the mother of a political prisoner in Maghaberry

Third Video: Presentation to the Hunger strike families
Speech by Gerry Mc Geough

Fourth Video:
Niamh White RPAG rep, speaks of atrocious conditions imposed upon Irish political prisoners the in Maghaberry Prison

Their campaign to secure political status

The reaction of the British establishment to their demands

An appeal for help for the RPAG in their ongoing campaign

CnS members also visited Dan Keating in Co. Kerry. Dan is patron of Sinn Féin Phoblachta and the oldest living volunteer that fought in the Black and Tan War (Irish war of independence) the visit was arranged by Donal and Terence Varian and John Magan.

Veteran Irish Republican activist Sean Ó Murchú joined John Magan who coordinated the meeting with Dan Keating and they represented almost a century of real live history of opposition to British rule in Ireland.

However, it was local activists John Sheehy and Stephen Brosnan from Kerry and Pat Williams from the U.S, all representing the younger generation that had all the questions for Dan. In the process they displayed a considerable knowledge of Irish history as it truly was before the age of revisionism.

Throughout the interview, Dan answers appeared to lead to the next relevant question. Dan recently took a bus to Cork city to see Ken Loach’s movie ‘The Wind That Shakes The Barley’. According to Dan the movie presented a very close reenactment of an important period in Dan’s and Ireland’s ongoing fight for freedom. Dan will be 105 years of age in January 2007. There will be a birthday party in Tralee no doubt!

Other places of interest were visited by CnaS, including the threatened ecological paradise of north- west Co. Mayo that is the scene of the Shell To Sea Campaign. This is the Gaeltacht area of Mayo and Miceal O Coisdealbha took some videos and interviews as Gaeilge here and in the Galway Gaeltacht of Conamara. Some of these will be incorporated into the Spoken Irish lessons that will be featured on www.irishfreedom.net in the very near future.

Portlaoise Prison, which holds a number of Irish political prisoners and political activist was also visited. A video was made with Niamh White, a spokesperson for the Republican Prisoners Action Group (RPAG) and Mrs. Connors, a mother of a current prisoner. Both spoke eloquently about the plight of Republican prisoners in their struggle to re-gain political status. Tony McPhillips and Richard Walsh of the RPAG arranged the interview. The video may be seen in Part 4 from the Bundoran or as stand alone in the IRPAS campaign.

Many people all over Ireland went to great length to insist that we see The Wind that Shakes the Barley. Having seen the film, one can only say that it is worth a trip to Ireland just to see it, especially if a meeting with Dan Keating could be arranged. Hopefully, the movie will arrive in the US shortly!
_________________
Cumann Na Saoirse Náisíunta
National Irish Freedom Committee
http://www.irishfreedom.net/

Nationwide Protests in Support of Republican Prisoners

2006-09-08T09:31:00.000-07:00

Nationwide Protests in Support of Maghaberry Prisoners
SAOIRSE, Sept. 2006

IN spite of a large RUC/PSNI presence a very large crowd turned out in Lurgan, Co Armagh on Saturday, August 19 to support the five demands of the Republican POWs currently on protest in Maghaberry jail. The protest – organised by the Republican Prisoners’ Action Group (RPAG) – took place in the Edward Street area of Lurgan.

A white-line picket took place on Edward Street, followed by a rally nearby. A former Independent Councillor for Fermanagh, Tony McPhillips, chaired the proceedings. He introduced Mrs McKenna – the mother of one of the protesting prisoners from the Lurgan area – who read a statement on behalf of the POWs. Tony McPhillips then introduced lifelong Republican Des Long from Limerick, who was the main speaker for the occasion.

Des Long said that the failed Stormont Agreement is responsible for the current plight of Republican prisoners who are being criminalised by the political Administrations in Dublin, Belfast and London and that the same struggle as the 1981 hunger strikes is now being waged in jails throughout the 32-Counties.

He said that the current crisis in Maghaberry prison could easily be resolved by the granting of political status. “It gives the lie to all those who say that there is no Republican resistance to British rule in Ireland. In every struggle for national liberation it is recognised that the actions of the resistance arise out of the political situation and in Ireland it is no different. “The sad fact is that ten men died on hunger strike to establish and enshrine the principle of political status and as a member of the National H-Block Committee at the time I have no hesitation in saying that today the same struggle is being waged by true Republicans who are incarcerated in jail.

“It is even more tragic for the families of the men who died on hunger strike to realise that their noble sacrifice was sold out during the negotiations for the failed Stormont Agreement – sold out by a discredited and disgraced Provisional leadership who embraced and emboldened British rule in Ireland.

“We as true Republicans must never tolerate this treatment and above all we must never accept that true Republican prisoners are criminals – they are resisting British rule in Ireland – and we are proud of them – because like us they know that the failed Stormont Agreement can never bring a real and lasting peace to Ireland. “It is despicable that former comrades in the Provos are to the forefront of attempts to criminalise these men. It is even more disgusting that the Provos continue to condemn the continued resistance to British rule. Calling us ‘microgroups without support’ may be pleasing their British masters, but the Provos cannot crush the age-old aspiration to national self-determination.

Just because they have sold out and taken the Queen’s Shilling does not end the struggle for Irish unity!” The British colonial police harassed many of the protesters that had turned out for the event. A car was stopped by an unmarked RUC vehicle in the Church Place area of Lurgan shortly before the protest was due to begin, holding the driver for approximately 20 minutes and asking how concerned people knew him.

A minibus returning from the parade was also stopped under the Road Traffic Order, with the occupants subsequently being questioned under Britain’s so-called ‘Terrorism Act’. Backup units from the RUC’s DMSU (Divisional Mobile Support Unit) also arrived on the scene.

BELFAST
More than 7,000 leaflets were distributed outside Casement Park on August 13.

CORK
About 120 people turned out at 2pm on August 5 at Daunt Square in Cork for a vigil to highlight the continuing attempts at the criminalisation of Republican prisoners in Maghaberry and in solidarity with the Lebanese and Palestinian people, in opposition to the widespread and devastating Israeli military attacks on civilians. The vigil for political status was organised by the Mac Curtain/McSwiney Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin, Cork, and the RPAG (Republican Prisoners Action Group), whose members were in attendance. This was done in association with the vigil for the Lebanese and Palestine peoples organised by AntiWar Ireland, the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the IAWM, the attendance was diverse, and included members of a variety of left-wing groups. Hundreds of leaflets were handed out, highlighting the present conditions in Maghaberry and the continuing protest for political status, which after been won by the sacrifices of ten brave men in 1981 has been removed by the British Government and those who signed the failed 1998 Stormont Agreement. The reaction from passers by was positive. Other leaflets from the IAWM calling for workplace and trade union ‘blacking’ of Israeli goods were also given out.

LIMERICK
On August 11, members of the Hurson/Sands and Brugha/Sabhat Cumainn of Republican Sinn Féin handed out 4,000 leaflets in O’Connell Street, Limerick. The leaflets supported the five demands of the Republican prisoners on protest in Maghaberry jail for political status. One young Belfast woman on holiday told the leafleters that as a young child she, along with a sister and two brothers, spent 12 years going on the bus to Long Kesh to visit their father. She said her childhood was destroyed along with thousands of other children and that it appeared it had been for nothing. There was a great response from the public to the contents of the leaflet.

WATERFORD
A picket in support of the Maghaberry prisoners was in the centre of Waterford city on August 26 and leaflets were disuributed. DUBLIN On September 2, members of Republican Sinn Féin from all parts of Leinster staged their monthly picket at the GPO in Dublin’s O’Connell Street.

Leaflets have also been distributed and posters put up in Newry, Co Down, Tyrone, Armagh, Derry, Donegal, Monaghan, Dundalk, Wexford, Kildare, Kilkenny, Galway, Mayo, Roscommon, Kerry, Clare and in Glasgow.

The annual Eve-of-all-Ireland Rally run by Republican Sinn Féin at the GPO on Dublin on September 16 will this year take the form of a rally for political status for the Republican prisoners in Maghaberry jail. Be there!

Other up-coming events for the prisoners will take place in Belfast when a White line Protest organised by the Belfast Branch of the R.P.A.G takes place on the Falls Road 9th of September at 2pm assemble at the Republican Sinn Fein Office for further details contact the Republican Prisoners Action Group and in Femanagh a white line Protest and meeting There will be a white line Protest organised by the Fermanagh R.P.A.G followed by a Public information meeting in Newtownbuttler Fermanagh on the 23 of September assemble at the Crossroads in Newtownbuttler 2pm for information on travel contact the Republican Prisoners Action Group

REPUBLICAN POWs NEED YOUR SUPPORT
PLEASE PROVIDE ANY SUPPORT YOU CAN TO REPUBLICAN PRISONERS ACTION GROUP OR JOIN YOUR LOCAL PRISONERS ACTION GROUP – PHONE 028 90319004 (6 COUNTIES) OR 223 PARNELL ST, DUBLIN 1, 01 8729747 (26 COUNTIES)

IN AMERICA, CONTACT CUMANN NA SAOIRSE NÁISIÚNTA/THE NATIONAL IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE: http://www.irishfreedom.net
nifcmem@optonline.net

British Rule Must End

2006-09-05T20:24:00.000-07:00

British rule must end
(Editorial in SAOIRSE August 2006)

AS Irish Republicans have warned the Stormont Agreement has only one final aim, to remove from the political agenda the entire question of British occupation in Ireland and the right of the people of Ireland to All-Ireland national independence.

The boast of the UUP's Jeffrey Donaldson on July 12 that "unionism was in a stronger position today than it has been in a generation", serves only to remind everyone that the space for him to make such a claim was created by the Stormont Agreement and its supporters. In the same speech Jeffrey Donaldson went on to say:

"The threat of a united Ireland has receded off the political agenda for our political lifetime and the debate has moved on to how we live as part of the United Kingdom (sic)". Again this statement spells out the true purpose of the Stormont Agreement for those unable or unwilling to face reality.
The updating and reinforcement of British rule in Ireland has always been the central tenet of the Stormont Agreement despite what some of its supporters from within the nationalist community might claim.

Speaking in Dungiven, Co Derry on July 29 at a ceremony to mark the 25th anniversary of the death of 1981 hunger striker Kevin Lynch, Republican Sinn Féin President Ruairí Ó Brádaigh gave a blunt appraisal of how the nationalist people of Ireland have been conned by those who would purport to lead them.

"The Provos had said the war for national liberation would 'never, never, never end' short of a free Ireland. Yet they ended it without either victory or defeat. They said they would never return to Stormont, yet they had gone there and became Ministers of the British Crown, administering British rule there."

He continued: " 'No Unionist Veto' was their slogan, yet they accepted the veto of 18% of the population of Ireland over the nationalist 82%. They had it inserted in the constitution of the 26-County State and signed up to it in the Stormont Agreement of 1998. 'Not a bullet nor an ounce' was their cry in response to British demands for a surrender of arms. Yet they destroyed those arms at the behest of the British. British forces and loyalists were still abundantly armed."

He concluded by pointing out that the Provisionals were intent on policing British rule in Ireland: "The RUC would never be accepted, they said. Now they prepare to join a renamed RUC called the PSNI. They have urged young Irishmen to join the ranks of the enemy, to don the Black-and-Tan uniform, to pick up the enemy guns and to point them at the Irish people." Ruairí Ó Brádaigh's words highlight the fact that the co-option of a section of the nationalist community into the machinery of British rule in Ireland is the central tenet of the Stormont Agreement.

The announcement by the British government on July 25 of its protocols for so-called 'restorative justice programmes' across the Six Counties further illustrates that this is the purpose of the British state. Under these protocols such schemes will in the future have to deal "directly" with the British colonial police.

In a radio interview on RTÉ's This Week programme on July 30 Provo leader Martin McGuiness admitted that "no principle" was at stake in dealing with the British colonial police. Such a statement makes it crystal clear that the Provos are fast approaching the ultimate step in accepting British rule in Ireland, ie policing and enforcing British rule on the ground.
The very fact that a simple call for a British withdrawal from Ireland has not been made by the Provisionals at their annual commemoration at the grave of the father of Irish Republicanism in Bodenstown for over 16 years only highlights the fact that they have long abandoned the aim of 'Breaking the connection with England'.

The Stormont Agreement was sold to the people of Ireland based on a lie: nationalists were told it was a step towards a united and free Ireland whilst unionists were told it would strengthen the union with England. People were also told it would provide the basis for peace and an end to conflict in the Six Counties. Far from doing so it has only served to widen the sectarian divide and prolong the conflict.

It has also given grist to the unreconstructed bigots of loyalism-unionism to fan the flames of sectarianism with attacks of increasing severity and savagery directed against the nationalist community. The first annual figures released by the RUC/PSNI show that they recorded 1,701 sectarian attacks in the period from April 2005 to April 2006.

The only way to end conflict in our country and create the conditions necessary for normal social, political and economic development is to end British rule and dismantle the failed structures of partition. This will give the Irish people the space required to build a New Ireland based on the principles of social, political and economic democracy.

Up-Coming White Line Pickets in support of Republican prisoners

2006-09-04T15:45:00.000-07:00

There will be a White line Protest organised by the Belfast Branch of the R.P.A.G on the Falls Road 9th of September at 2pm assemble at the Republican Sinn Fein Office for further details contact the Republican Prisoners Action Group

White line Protest and meeting

There will be a white line Protest organised by the Fermanagh R.P.A.G followed by a Public information meeting in Newtownbuttler Fermanagh on the 23 of September assemble at the Crossroads in Newtownbuttler 2pm for information on travel contact the Republican Prisoners Action Group

Families of Irish Political Prisoners need assistance!

2006-09-04T14:41:00.000-07:00

Cabhair - Irish Republican Prisoners Dependants Fund

Cabhair is a charitable organisation, solely dependant on public subscriptions. It was established in early 1987, following the revolutionary / reformist split in the republican movement, for "the relief of cases of distress arising out of republican activity".

Immediately followimg the Ard-Fheis of Sinn Fein in 1986 when the Provisionals departed from the Republican road a number of Irish political prisoners in England, the Six Counties and the 26 Counties adhered to the revolutionary path and refused to accept support from the Provisionals.
To meet this pressing need CABHAIR was formed and has continued with this noble work. Prisoners that they have cared for have been released on completion of sentence and others have gone to prison. At no time since 1987 have no prisoners been in CABHAIR's care.

As long as British rule continues in Ireland, Irish people will resist that foreign occupation and, unfortunately, there will be political prisoners.
CABHAIR currently supports Republican prisoners in Portlaoise prison in the 26 Counties and Maghaberry prison in the Six Occupied Counties.

AID APPEAL FOR REPUBLICAN PRISONERS

Donations from Ireland and Europe can be sent to :
CABHAIR
223 Parnell Street,
Dublin 1.
Ireland.

***** American supporters of Irish Republican prisoners who wish to help alleviate the finacial burden of the families and dependants of these political prisoners should contact the National Irish Freedom Committee. The NIFC have in place a monthly sustainer program in place in which participants contribute on a monthly basis, the sum to be decided by the contributer. The NIFC will keep YOU up to date with the latest news of the struggle to regain political status through a monthly newsletter. One time donations are greatly appreciated as well. Help the prisoners by helping their families! contact the National Irish Freedom Committee at nifcmem@optonline.net or visit their website at: http://www.irishfreedom.net/ ******

STAND BY THE PRISONERS
WHO STAND BY
THE ALL-IRELAND REPUBLIC

Goss and Gaughran remembered in Dundalk

2006-08-16T10:44:00.000-07:00

ON August 13 a commemoration was held in Dundalk in memory of two great Dundalk Republican soldiers - Richard Goss, executed by a Free State firing squad on August 9, 1941 and Liam Gaughran, who took the fight to the British and was imprisoned on the Isle of Wight in the 1940s, where he contracted TB and was released to return to his home and died in August 1947.

The parade assembled at the Lisdoo Arms and led by a Republican colour party and a piper marched to St Patrick's Cemetery where proceedings were chaired by Ruairí White, Ard Chomhairle, Republican Sinn Féin. A wreath was laid on behalf of Republican Sinn Féin by Niamh White and a decade of the Rosary recited as Gaeilge by Nuala Moore. Richard Walsh, Derry read a statement from the Republican prisoners in Maghaberry jail presently on protest.

The oration was given by Líta Ní Chathmhaoil, who said in the course of her address: "It is incumbent on all of us to highlight the plight of the Republican prisoners by pickets, protests, leafleting, contacting people of influence or any way possible. This is our duty and the prisoners rely on us for support.

"The root cause of the conflict in Ireland remains the presence of the British government and its forces here. Permanent peace will only come with final British disengagement from Ireland but the endeavour to get the entire body of nationalists to endorse and administer English rule here continues. Faithful Republicans believe with 1916 leader James Connolly that 'the British government has no right in Ireland, never had any right in Ireland, and never can have any right in Ireland'. True Republicans insist that the British government and its occupation forces must give a date for disengagement and then the whole Irish people, acting as a unit, can determine how they will live together and govern themselves.

"There are still brave women and men who are willing to give their all so that future generations of Irishmen and women can live in a New Ireland where all sections of the population of the island may live in peace and harmony and we pledge them our full support. Republican soldiers like Richard Goss and Liam Gaughran and their comrades of the 1940s, who died in action, on hunger strike, by Free State firing squad, at the hands of a British hangman, both in Dublin and Belfast and as a result of the ill-treatment they received from their captors, as well as the martyrs of the current phase of the struggle, provide the inspiration for a new generation to take up the struggle and bring it to a successful conclusion."

Crotty on the Colonial Origins of Sectarian Violence

2006-08-16T10:06:00.000-07:00

An Excerpt from "The Irish Land Question and Sectarian Violence"
by the late Raymond Crotty

[The Centenary Essay No. 4, published by the Economic and Social Science Research Association, 1981]

The Colonial Origins of Sectarian Violence

It is impossible to begin to understand the causes of the massive decline in the number of people getting a livelihood in Ireland that has proceeded now for 140 years without understanding aspects of the conquest by Britain of Ireland and the implications of that conquest for the social role of Irish land. Land, according to the indigenous, tribal, gaelic concept was a social asset, available for use by all members of society. It was, in practice, an economically inefficient and unproductive form of land use, but a socially integrative one.

The concept of the role of land held by the Tudor, Stuart and Cromwellian capitalist conquerors of Ireland was of land as a source of profit for the individuals who succeeded in appropriating it. That concept has since been implemented in Ireland to a degree without parallel anywhere else in the world. Social interests have been subordinated to private profit from land more thoroughly, more consistently, more disastrously and for a longer time in Ireland than anywhere else.

The implications in Ireland of using land for profit were most clearly perceived and expressed by Sir William Petty, the greatest economic philosopher prior to Adam Smith and himself a successful appropriator of extensive tracts of Irish land. Petty proposed that, in order to maximise profit from Irish land, the people should be cleared from it and replaced by cattle, to be reared and duly sold to England.[3] Petty's proposals had in fact been implemented under the early Stuarts, but the resulting flood of cattle into England cut straight across the political and economic interests of England's ascendant landed oligarchy, so that one of the first Acts of the Restoration Parliament was to ban the entry to England of all Irish pastoral products.[4]

With direct access to the English market barred, for Irish land to yield a profit its produce, in the form of beef, butter and bacon, had to be diverted via the triangular trade to the West Indies, where it was used to maintain the slaves on the plantations and was exchanged for the, tropical produce of the slaves' labour, which was acceptable in England.[5] The triangular trade required much more labour than raising and shipping cattle to Britain, so it was necessary to suffer the survival of the defeated but rebellious Irish, rather than their extinction as proposed by Petty.

If the Irish were to be retained to work land profitably for its English appropriators. it was necessary to disarm them and to garrison the island with .an armed Protestant ascendancy, most of whom were settled in Ulster. The century following the Restoration of Charles II was a period of steady growth in Ireland. It was a period of growth and development such as has occurred also in most other colonies - in the Caribbean, in Latin America, in Asia and in Africa -- following their initial capitalist colonisation and prior to the onset in them of the more recent phenomenon of economic under- development.

Matters changed in Ireland with the onset of the industrial revolution, which transformed Britain from a grain exporter to a grain importer and caused it to repeal the Cattle Acts and to welcome the Irish pastoral products that had been excluded by them. The effect was to create in Ireland conditions in which profit from land was maximised by its cultivation by capital-less, coolie, Irish labourers, who subsisted on some of the potatoes they grew on land worked with their spades and fattened pigs for export with the surplus. They grew cereals, also using spades, on the land improved by the potato crop, and sold the grain for export and the straw for the winter keep of cows that produced butter for export.[6] A unique combination of farm production conditions, land tenure conditions, and market conditions in which beef prices were low and grain and butter prices were high, obtained in Ireland through the reign of George III, from 1760 to 1820.

That combination brought into existence and expanded into the largest class in the land an agricultural proletariat such as has not existed elsewhere above 30 degrees latitude. The market conditions that made profitable and brought into existence this agricultural proletariat lasted only for the duration of George Ill's reign. Beef prices since then have risen threefold relative to the price of butter and fivefold relative to the price of grain.[7] The price change made it profitable to replace people growing grain and potatoes with cattle and sheep, and cattle exports, which had not changed from 1660 to 1820, increased tenfold within fifty years.[8] The agricultural proletariat, brought into existence during the course of George Ill's reign, was obliterated by starvation, enforced celibacy and emigration during the succeeding reign of Queen Victoria.

The Protestants of Ulster were insulated by their "ascendancy" or "garrison" status from the operation of the market forces that created and destroyed a Catholic agricultural proletariat. To hold Ireland for England, it was necessary to arm the Protestant settlers while disarming the hostile, Catholic Irish. Armed Protestants acquired rights to land different from those of the disarmed Catholics. The latter had no rights other than those they could win on a freely working market; the former were accorded prescriptive rights of security of tenure, fair rents, etc. that were enshrined in the "Ulster Custom".[9] The Protestant farmers of Ulster, insulated by the Ulster Custom from the free working of the market, were spared from competition for land by capital-less young people. These young people were instead held, like peers in the rest of Europe, dependent on their capital-owning parents.[10] Ulster farmers, as a result, had both the land and the family labour to respond to the demand for cloth, that was growing in England no less rapidly than the demand for food, by expanding the relatively capital-intensive production of linen.

They were helped in expanding the production of linen cloth in no small way by the procurement of yarn from "the linen counties" of the south which, under ±he new dispensation, were no longer able to work up the yarn into cloth.[11] Farmers outside Ulster, during George III's reign, were under the dual pressure of competition for land from capital-less young people (the emerging Irish coolie class) and the inability to compel their own children to operate the family holding when these could achieve a modicum of social independence by acquiring their own potato patch.

Farmers outside Ulster were forced by these pressures to abandon linen production, or to carry the enterprise no farther than the production and sale of linen yarn. The coolie labourers on their potato patches were forced by extreme poverty to use their resources to produce pigs, grain and straw products that came to market vital months earlier than linen yarn.[12] The initial divergence between Ulster and the rest of Ireland, based firmly on the different terms of access to land secured by armed and disarmed peasants, widened with time.

As the agricultural proletariat of the south was being wiped out by the changed market conditions of Victoria's reign, the cottage linen industry of the north became concentrated into the linen factories of Belfast, which were duly served by Belfast' s new, specialised linen engineering industry. Belfast's newly acquired factory discipline and engineering skills provided the technical base for a shipbuilding industry that was highly innovative at a time of radical change from the craft building of small timber ships to the factory scale building of large iron and steel ships.

Three factors in particular contributed to the innovativeness that was the key to the success of the Belfast shipyards: first, there was no traditional, craft shipbuilding industry in the city, which itself came into existence with the late eighteenth century growth of the linen industry; second, the residual Catholic population of Northern Ireland was available as a helot class of unskilled, casual labour to undertake the least pleasant, least secure, worst paid chores and to bear the main brunt of innovative adjustment; and third, Protestant management and Protestant workers in Belfast's shipyards were united, in a way that occurred nowhere else in the British Isles (sic), by the common threat of being overwhelmed by the Catholic Irish masses, whose hostility intensified with their debasement and with their displacement to make way for more profitable cattle and sheep during the nineteenth century

Provos Snub Republican Prisoners in Maghaberry

2006-08-14T07:17:00.000-07:00

The organizers of the Hunger Strike Commemoration at Casement Park on Sunday August 14th snubbed the prisoners currently in Maghaberry Gaol and their families. RPAG had approached the organizing committee earlier this week with a statement setting out the conditions of Republican prisoners in Maghaberry. The organizers confirmed this morning that the statement could be read, but refused to let the mother of the prisoner read it herself. Despite the promises when it came to the event this afternoon no statement was read out. RPAG is therefore asking the media to publish the statement. Geraldine Taylor of Republican Sinn Fein said:

“The prisoners and the families are outraged at how they have been treated. The families have shown solidarity with the families of the Hunger Strikers and believe that they have much in common. However the sacrifice of today’s prisoners’ and their families has been virtually ignored by those organizing this event.”

STATEMENT FROM REPUBLICAN PRISONERS, MAGHABERRY GAOL

On 13th July 1981 a young boy 8 years of age was hoisted onto his uncle’s shoulders. He was given a hammer and a black flag. The young boy then hung the flag on the side of the coal-shed. Around him he saw grown men openly crying, women talking and going from door to door. The people looked tired, sorrowful and a gloominess hung in the air like a thick dense fog. The answers to the boy’s questions didn’t really register. “A young man from the locality had died on hunger strike”, he was told. He had seen old people die before and there were no black flags. “Why now?”, he wondered. Little did he realise then, that was the beginning of his introduction to Irish politics and Irish history.

Some years later in his teenage years, the young man began reading books on Irish history and came to realise the significance and the symbolism of the black flag which he had hung years before. He read about the struggle for political status in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh, the blanket protest, the no-wash protest and eventually the Hunger Strike which culminated in the deaths of 10 young volunteers. He couldn’t believe the intransigence of the British as they allowed these young men died.

Now as a grown man he continues reading and believes strongly in the Republican ideology which was held dearly by those who died to achieve humane conditions for hundreds of Republican prisoners. Are conditions today better because of the sacrifices of these men? The young lad who 25 years ago raised a black flag to his coal-shed now lies in a British prison camp. He too suffers the same degrading treatment. He and his comrades suffer strip searches designed to humiliate and degrade as well as 23 hour lock ups in an 8 x 12 tomb.

They suffer sectarian abuse from loyalist staff working the landings. They are forced to eat all their meals in their cells like caged animals. They are denied any association with each other on the landing and are only permitted to leave their cells in 2s or 3s, accompanied by at least twice the number of prison officers. Families are denied visits for weeks at a time due to the suspicious reaction of the prison “drugs dog” despite the fact there has not been a single find of drugs on a Republican prisoner or visitor.

Rights that are granted to the rest of the prison population are denied to Republican prisoners; education, exercise, social inter-action – basic human rights. They are threatened with the loss of remission, or of being transported to England if they do not conform. But they will not conform to a regime that denies them the right to be treated with dignity and humanity.

They cannot conform with institutional discrimination brought about to criminalise the Irish struggle. That same young man and his comrades are now on protest in Maghaberry “concentration camp”. This is a protest against criminalisation, a protest for Political Status. They too have issued 5 demands. Freedom of Association, Freedom of Movement, Full Time Education, Separate Visiting Facility and the right to Organise their wings. They remain adamant in the belief that theirs is a just struggle.

They are prepared to do whatever is necessary to achieve their objectives. They are not, as the prison authorities are trying to portray, asking for the keys to their wing. They do not expect control of the landings. Their demands have been reasonable, but have been ignored. In their protest they have been refusing to eat in their cells and are refusing to co-operate with the discriminatory regime imposed upon them. They are showing great restraint in the face of constant provocation.

Both the Church and human rights groups have pledged their assistance, but all calls for humanity have been ignored. The prisoners, who have yet again been backed into a corner, feel that their only weapon is to fast. There has been a series of 24 hour fasts and this week a 48 hour fast but there is still no recognition from the authorities.

That young man now experiences the intransigence for himself and asks you the people of Ireland to support the prisoners and their demands, to do all in your power to challenge this injustice, to write letters of support to your politicians, to the press and to the authorities, to show your numbers on the streets in the protests and in the pickets that are being organised across the country.
Go raibh maith agaibh
OC Republican Prisoners
Maghaberry Gaol

Statement From Republican Prisoners in Maghaberry

2006-08-11T20:09:00.000-07:00

ON August 9, the following statement was received from the O/C, Republican Prisoners, Maghaberry jail:

"On Thursday 10th August, Republican Prisoners of War held in Maghaberry Concentration Camp will hold a 48-hour fast. This is part of our ongoing protest for the restoration of Political Status and the implementation of our five demands. We will continue with our protest and in the coming weeks will step it up until the NIO and British authorities realise that we won't be beaten.

The disgraceful attitude of the POA and the prison governors in refusing to accept that their policy of criminalisation will be resisted and therefore will fail is second only to the belief held by some that Óglaigh na hÉireann can be disbanded. Óglaigh na hÉireann is not a "patent" of any single political party. It is of the people for the people. As long as there is still British interference on Irish soil; as long as a pro-Imperialist state exists in the 26-Counties to do Britain's dirty work, there will always be those who will resist. Resistance is born out of oppression.

Those of us imprisoned in Ireland and abroad have been so because of our ideological beliefs. Our belief in the Proclamation of the Republic, declaring "the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland..." The belief that an alien government has no right to govern nor administer the affairs of the Irish people. The oppressive nature of the regime imposed on Republican prisoners in this camp was bound to breed resistance. It is the unfortunate belief of the British authorities that today's Republican prisoners can be criminalised and brutalised unimpeded. This is a misconception. Although we may be small in numbers, we can guarantee that we will resist at all costs.

The parallels that exist in today's campaign and that which existed in 1976-1981 are striking, although I won't pretend to know exactly what the men and women went though then. I do know that we are fighting against the same policy and we are faced with the same 'monsters'. In 1976-1981, those courageous men and women in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh and Armagh were fighting against a more visible form of criminalisation - that of a prison uniform and being forced to work for the system. Of course those weren't the only problems. In today's prison camps, we are fighting against a different more invisible form of criminalisation.

In this establishment we don't have the convict garb, nor are we forced to work. In comparison to 1976-1981 we are more comfortably off. But criminalisation whether visible or invisible must be resisted. The fact that this establishment is intent on forcing us to accept policies of controlled movement, no free association for Republican prisoners, and forcing our families to do without visits for weeks on end. The fact that we are locked in cells for up to 22 hours, the fact that we are denied all handicraft facilities and limited education is all that is available.

Education which clashes with association - as a result one or the other must be forfeited. This is an exact throwback to the years 1976-1981. Why shouldn't we be given the freedom to move freely on our own landings during periods of unlock?

Why should we forfeit education for a period of exercise? Why shouldn't we be allowed to clear our own wings? Why shouldn't we expect to see our families on a weekly basis? Why shouldn't we be allowed to make handicrafts or souvenirs? Why shouldn't we?

All of the above are widely available to ordinary prisoners. And indeed they would be available to ourselves if we conformed. This we won't do. We will not renounce our principles nor will we allow ourselves to be bribed by a corrupt, sectarian prison establishment. Our demands, which are widely available to ordinary prisoners proves that we are not being elitist. We are not asking to be treated differently, but to be treated with dignity and respect. We have never asked for the keys of the wing nor would we.

We do not expect control of the landings nor do we expect the screws to leave their positions. We have been totally reasonable in our repeated requests to be treated equally and fairly. The fact that the British have ignored our pleas should be challenged by all right thinking people in Ireland and abroad.

The protest which has been forced upon us by British intransigence could be sorted out at the stroke of a pen, if only these people came to realise that we are only asking for what is already available. We hereby ask that all politicians, north and south; all clergymen and women; the people of Ireland and abroad, and all those who have suffered years of degradation at the hands of the British 'monsters' support us by supporting our demands. We ask you to write letters of support, denouncing the current policies in newspapers and to British politicians.

We ask you to support those who are defenceless.

O/C, CIRA POWs Maghaberry Concentration Camp, Occupied Six Counties"

Cork Vigil in support of Republican Prisoners and the Lebanese and Palestinian Peoples

2006-08-09T11:33:00.000-07:00

Statement from the MacCurtain/McSwiney Cumann - Corcaigh

Vigil in support of Republican Prisoners and the Lebanese and Palestinian Peoples

Solidarity was shown when about 120 people turned out at 2pm on Saturday August 5th at Daunt Square in Cork for a vigil to highlight the continuing attempts at the criminalisation of Republican Prisoners in Maghaberry and in solidarity with the Lebanese and Palestinian people, in opposition to the widespread and devastating Israeli military attacks on civilians.

The vigil for Political Status was organised by the MacCurtain/McSwiney Cumann of Republican Sinn Fein Cork, and the RPAG (Republican Prisoners Action Group), whose members were in attendance. This was done in association with the vigil for the Lebanese and Palestine Peoples organised by AntiWarIreland, the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the IAWM, the attendance was diverse, and included members of a variety of left-wing groups.

Hundreds of leaflets were handed out, highlighting the present conditions in Maghaberry and the continuing protest for Political Status, which after been won by the sacrifices of ten brave men in 1981 has been removed by the British Government and those who signed the failed 1998 Good Friday Agreement.

The reaction from passers by was positive.

Other leaflets from the IAWM calling for workplace and trade union 'blacking' of Israeli goods were also given out.

Republican POW's in Maghaberry have been engaged in a prison protest since 19th June 2006 and there are now over thirty POW's on the protest. They are fighting to improve conditions for segregated prisoners in Maghaberry who are in effect being punished for exercising their right to segregation from non-political prisoners. They are demanding that their 5 demands be addressed.

1. RIGHT TO FREE ASSOCIATION
2. END TO CONTROLLED MOVEMENT
3. RIGHT TO FULL TIME EDUCATION
4. SEPARATE VISITING FACILITY
5. RIGHT TO ORGANISE OUR OWN LANDINGS

POW's in Portlaoise have been acting in solidarity with their comrades in Maghaberry during the prison protest

The POW's are relying on the Irish people to stand with them in their fight to improve conditions and ultimately to win back Political Status. The Irish people have never failed POW's in the past and we have faith that they will not fail them now.

These men are prisoners of war due to the continued illegal occupation of the six counties by England and deserve to be treated as such.* 1981: They were political prisoners then* 2006: They are political prisoners now.

Help end the prison struggle; support the Republican POWs. Political status is a right not a privilege. This issue cannot be ignored any longer, it must be dealt with and these demands must be addressed.

The Lesson in Bundoran

2006-08-07T20:00:00.000-07:00

A Fenian / American Perspective

The Lesson in Bundoran

By Tyrone Gottlieb

The ancient Bards of Eire had a particular fondness for a poetic form that is known as a triad. As the name implies it is the compilation of three entities into a folksy proverb.

There are hundreds, if not more, examples of triads in both languages in Ireland. Some are ancient. "The three rudnesses of the world: youth mocking age, health mocking sickness and a wise man mocking a fool", or "Three creatures to be avoided: a dog that won't bark, a cat that won't hunt, and a pig that won't grunt", and my personal favorite, "Three persons to be distrusted in the world: a bartender who doesn't' drink, a politician who isn't in the clink, and a Shinner who wasn't in the 'RA".

While I have spent most of my life in the company of Irish Republicans of all shades, opinions and temperaments, it wasn't until comparatively recent times that I came in contact with a bona fide member of Sinn Fein. By this I mean a genuine, baine fed, never fired a shot in anger (or any other mind set), lubriciously loquacious devotee of the policies and politics of the diminutive, afficionado of the Divine Right, Arthur Griffith.

I can recall that during the 1960's I met what I thought were legitimate members of A. Griffith's group. But it turned out, aside from the Republican rhetoric they seemingly espoused, they were also big fans of Robert Goddard and Wernher Von Braun, and were looking to start a rocketry club in Ireland, preferably near the Derry border.

When I recall my early conversations with men who were veterans of the Troubles, most, if not all of them, were strict abstensionists. In fact, a few of them objected rather strongly to being linked to any type of Irish politics and were downright vociferous about be styled a "SHINNER". "Politics are alright" I was reminded, "for those who can sit around all day and worry about Einstein's theory or the Holy Trinity." I realized they were speaking of Mr. DeValera "That half blind lanky Latin from Manhattan." Dev represented all that was wrong with Republicans getting involved with politics back in Ireland.

Over the years I, myself, developed an abhorrence of all politics, Irish, American (Bronx Democrats and Southern Segregationist red necked bigots, in particular). Top that off with my accumulation of books on Irish history (post Civil War extending to pre "An Tostal" life in the twenty six and six). The names, dates, facts, considered guesses and damn lies, were later corroborated by my mentors, though chiefly by the late Seamus MacDevitt who referred to the Free State as "The Curse" and explained to me that when 01' Dev did finally depart this Vale of Tears, the anti-Christ would be forced to take the second seat in Hell.

In that eventful cum dichotomous year of 1986, I traveled to the capital of the Republican Riviera, Bundoran, for the annual 1981 Hunger Strike Commemoration. There at the Parade's starting point you observed the hard working organizers Messrs. ONeill, McGill, OMalley-Daly and Brady. But, more conspicuous by their absence were the Boys of the New Brigade, the ersatz leadership of the Movement, the Ulster Illuminati. Whispered explanations of their truancy suggested that they had important meetings which precluded their enjoyment of the bracing salt sea air and honoring their former comrades, who kept their dates with destiny five short years before in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh.

Later that year, the whole thing started to unravel when the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis took on a decidedly American flavor with a North - South split. The only difference was that this time the South was right. I did not realize right then, but this was the start of the slippery slope to treachery, surrender and the happy return to 'The good old Colony days."

On my return to New York, I was somewhat surprised by the hostility that greeted the message from the Movement in Ireland. The Army decreed that everyone support Sinn Fein in their "New Agenda" and the end of abstensionism for the political movement. This was rendered mute as far as Traditional Republicans were concerned in the States, with the denunciation of the northern cabal by Rory O Bradaigh and Republican Sinn Fein.

Now, almost two decades on, we can begin to see what really happened and all the skull duggery that brought it about. It must be difficult for most supporters of the Northern Junta to find out that the almost three decades long war of national liberation was really an early version of Homeland Security, the rebirth of the "Catholic Defenders" "the Peep 6 Day Boys," "the Ribbon men" etc. A campaign to secure and protect the career changes of our Gerry, Martin, Mitchell, Barbra et als.

I now recall the long conversations with Mike Flannery, Joe Stynes, Mike Sheehan and Tom Regan. They warned us of the dangers that came with involvement with the Brits and the Free State, and how history would bear them out. They were right, but it took a few years for me and my associates to join them. But, when we did we never regretted our decision.

The wisdom and wit of Flannery, Sheehan and Joe Stynes is still the corner stone of my belief in the future of Irish Republicanism. Flannery answered the question about abandoning abstensionism and entering the Free State Dail with the observation that they didn't abandon their position back when they had a majority, why should they do it now for a couple of seats. When the question about involvement in Stormont came up, he usually adopted the demeanor of a kindly parent dealing with the problem of a child who has just soiled himself.

Stynes was never that nice. Up until his death he maintained his distrust of people who weren't revolutionaries joining a revolutionary movement. He was bemused at the paradox of joining the IRA with anything less than militant motives, which seemed at odds with getting involved with Sinn Fein and not being political. Although he never styled himself as a "Shinner," he did support the idea of an Irish Republican political movement -- it might come in handy when the country was reunited.

So, now a hundred years on, we look around us and ask, has anything changed? The alleged Republic of Ireland gave up its claims on the captive six counties of its own country. Revisionist Sinn Fein has entered any institution that will have them, from the Dail to Stormont, with eyes on the House of Commons (the House of Lords may take a bit longer). They've administered British rule in occupied Ireland and are looking forward to officiating at the exequies for the Irish Republican Army. As far as they are concerned, the sooner the better.

So, at the end of the day there have been some changes. The Provos are living well, in spite of being semi-unemployed at present. The Shinners are looking to expand their mandate in the Colony (if there is ever a local government, aris) and they are sure to add to their base in the South. Add to that the startling rise in the payoffs in the latest round of Bank Bingo.
So, get ready for the coming yearlong celebration of the founding of Sinn Fein by the Provos. Historically it's almost akin to the Trojans building the Horse

Published in the 2005 edition of the Flannery Journal

Ireland's Place In The Struggle Against Imperialism

2006-08-05T15:25:00.000-07:00

Ireland's Place In The Struggle Against Imperialism
Talk delivered by RSF Vice President Des Dalton at the Alternative G8 Summit in Edinburgh On July 3, 2005.

The Irish struggle for national liberation, no more than any other national struggle, cannot be viewed in isolation. Since the foundation of the Irish Republican Movement in 1791, Irish Republicans have always been conscious of the international dimension of Ireland's fight against British imperialism. The founders of the Society of United Irishmen, such as Theobald Wolfe Tone, Henry Joy McCracken and Thomas Russell all were inspired by the American War of Independence, particularly its more progressive elements, with Thomas Paine's 'Rights Of Man' having a significant impact.

The ideals, which fired the French Revolution, provided the ideological base for the United Irishmen, its ideas of Liberty, Fraternity and Equality have remained as the political cornerstones of Irish Republicanism, and it was to revolutionary France that they automatically turned for help. However the United Irishmen also developed links beyond France, in particular with the Society of United Scotsmen, Thomas Muir one of their leaders was an honoury United Irishman. Even at this stage they were clear that they were engaged in a common cause of human and national freedom. Over the following 200 years in almost every phase of the Irish struggle for national independence Irish revolutionary leaders have cast an eye on international events.

The Fenians were more than aware and indeed supportive of the Paris Commune in 1871. The IRB was to the fore in organising opposition to Britain's imperialist South African 'Boer War' at the turn of the last century. And in 1914 Irish Republicans actively opposed recruitment in Ireland for participation in the First World War. No Irish Republican was clearer about the nature of this war and Ireland's role in the international anti-imperialist struggle than Edinburgh born James Connolly. It can be said that his slogan of "We serve neither King nor Kaiser but Ireland" more than any amount of words that can be written or spoken sum up the worldview of Irish Republicans.

It encapsulates the commitment of Irish Revolutionary Republicans to the freedom and liberation of the Irish people in defiance of all imperialism, British or otherwise. In 1936 Frank Ryan led a contingent of Irishmen most if not all members or former members of the Republican Movement to Spain to fight in defence of the Spanish Republic. This international solidarity has also seen the Republican Movement closely develop its links with the national liberation movements in the various stateless nations of Europe, in particular with our sister Celtic nations of Scotland, Wales and Brittany but also with the Basque country, Sardinia, Catalonia and Corsica.

Each one represents yet another front in our common cause of establishing national democracy, the only basis for a free community of nations, internationalism in its truest sense. Informed by this historical experience Republican Sinn Fein has a very clear view of the ongoing struggle against the British occupation of Ireland in an international context. No more than the people of Iraq or Palestine, the Irish people's right to national sovereignty and democracy is being denied to them. The enemy is the same, be it Westminster, Washington or Tel Aviv.

Imperialism may have different faces but its purpose and effects are the same. Whilst imperialism by its nature has always been a global phenomenon, in the 21st Century the powerful and wealthy industrialised states of the northern hemisphere have united in common purpose. Globalisation is about the enrichment of these states whatever the cost in terms of people or the environment. This involves of course the ruthless acquisition and exploitation of natural resources, as evidenced by the ongoing vicious and illegal war which the US and Britain are waging in Iraq in order to control that country's vast reserves of oil, or US backed attempted overthrow of the democratically elected government of Venezuela.

Here in Europe the various stateless nations have under the EU seen only a further erosion of their national rights, the EU rather than representing a means of escaping the imperialism of Britain, France, Spain or Italy represents a new form of imperialism, with power directed from Brussels rather that, London, Paris, Madrid or Rome. The EU project from day one has been fundamentally undemocratic; its aim has always been to erode national democracy placing power in the hands of Europe's political and economic elite. The EU constitution was about putting the framework in place for the creation of militarised EU super-state.

We can but congratulate the people of France and Holland for their courage and wisdom in rejecting this. In the world of today national liberation movements now face a powerful array of forces. In an Irish context we have witnessed a powerful array of political and financial resources deployed in support of the Stormont Agreement, from both sides of the Atlantic. This off course follows a pattern, the EU and US have also lent their weight to the Oslo accord which as well as sponsoring the so-called 'road map' for the middle east and the numerous attempts to bring an end to the ongoing insurgency of ETA in the Basque country.

All of this is done so as to placate, divide and finally draw the teeth of the various revolutionary movements. None of these initiatives including the Stormont Agreement have tackled the fundamental cause of injustice and conflict. In each case they offer limited change and reform of the status quo. Essentially it is in the interests of the US and EU to remove any disruption or obstacle which these revolutionary national liberation movements might pose to their political and economic agenda. From the beginning Republican Sinn Fein have pointed out that the Stormont Agreement could not deliver a just and lasting peace in Ireland because it failed to deal with the root cause of conflict in Ireland, which is the British occupation of Ireland.

Not only that but we also said at the time it was signed in 1998 that it would lead to an increase in sectarianism, which recent studies have shown to be the case, as it served to only to further institutionalise sectarianism within the Six Counties. The now dominant position of the ultra sectarian DUP was only made possible because of the political climate crated by this sectarian agreement.

The Stormont Agreement was about simply reforming British rule in Ireland, making the Six County state, which since its creation in 1921 was based on religious discrimination and political repression, more acceptable to nationalists. Its aim like the various attempts which preceded it, such as the Anglo-Irish Agreement and Sunningdale, was to divide and dilute resistance to British rule. The Stormont Agreement not only sought to end resistance but also to criminalize all future resistance to the British occupation of Ireland. This has included the removal of the right to political status, which was secured because of the sacrifices of many Republican prisoners who endured hunger strikes over the years culminating in the deaths of Bobby Sands and his nine comrades in the H Blocks of Long Kesh in 1981.

Today Republican prisoners in Maghaberry prison are forced to once again embark on a campaign of resistance to this criminalisation. The British state in response to this campaign have enacted legislation which can be used to transfer Republican prisoners to jails in England, Wales or indeed Scotland as a means of disrupting any active resistance. On top of all of this former comrades, who in 1986 left the Republican Movement following their decision to accept take seats in the 26 County parliament, and who were warned at the time the logical conclusion of the direction they had embarked on was ultimately accepting British rule in Ireland, were finally absorbed by the British state.

Not only did they take seats in the re-established Stormont Assembly but became ministers of the British Crown, administering British rule on the ground. As we speak they look set to take the next step of taking seats on the Six County policing boards and going on to enforcing the writ of the British crown in Ireland. Already they have engaged in acts of intimidation aimed against Irish Republicans, including beatings and threats, they have even attempted to deny CABHAIR, provides for the welfare of Republican prisoners and their families, access to bars and other amenity areas for use in fund raising.

Despite the best efforts of a powerful alliance comprising of the British, US and Dublin governments, the EU, the media and the churches, the Stormont Agreement has lurched from one crisis to another. This is because of the agreement's inherent contradictions, at the time it was signed the Unionist community were told on the one hand it would strengthen the union with England whilst nationalists on the other hand were told it would lead eventually to a united Ireland. This is a circle, which cannot be squared; it can do one or the other it cannot deliver both. The reality of course is that nationalists were given symbolic concessions the real substance was won by Unionists who secured a final acceptance by the 26 County state that the Six County state was part of the so-called United Kingdom by the removal of article s two and three of the 26 County's 1937 Constitution, this concession was enshrined in an internationally recognised agreement.

Despite the obvious failure of the Stormont Agreement, the line from London, Dublin and Washington is that the agreement is the "only show in town". This is reflected in the media, which deny space to any discussion of an alternative, particularly one that seeks to create a New Ireland free of British rule. Republican Sinn Fein, despite the many and oft repeated claims in the media that there is no alternative, possess a clear and credible alternative. EIRE NUA (New Ireland) provides for a federation of the four provinces of Ireland, with maximum decentralisation of power from national, to provincial, to regional right down to local and community level. EIRE NUA sets out a governmental structure which involves people in the decision making process at every level.

As we view both partitionist states as part of the problem the creation of a New Ireland north and south is the only viable way forward. With a parliament for each province, in a nine county Ulster, unionists would be able to exercise real autonomy whilst nationalists would have their position strengthened, all under the direction of their own provincial parliament, Dail Uladh, within which both nationalists and unionists could make real decisions, on issues such as economic development, education, health and social welfare and employment.

When the EIRE NUA proposals were first put to the leaders of unionist opinion by the leadership of the Republican Movement at the Feakle talks in 1974 they viewed them as a workable alternative to British rule. As a means of breaking the present political deadlock Republican Sinn Fein propose the election of a Constituent Assembly, our proposals contained within Towards A Peaceful Ireland call for the election of such an assembly by the people of All-Ireland, the purpose of the Constituent Assembly would be to draft a constitution for a new Ireland, all shades of political opinion in Ireland would be free to put forward candidates. If elected, Republican Sinn Fein would put before the assembly our vision of a New Ireland contained within EIRE NUA.

The assembly would have six months to complete its task of drawing up a constitution, following which the proposed constitution would be put before the Irish people in an All-Ireland referendum. Not a two state referenda, as was the case with the Stormont Agreement in which only the people of the Six Counties voted on the agreement itself, whilst the people of the 26 Counties voted merely on the amendment of the 26 County constitution. Following the adoption of a new constitution Towards A Peaceful Ireland states that the British government must give a public declaration of intent to withdraw from Ireland within a stated period. Along with this would come the release of all political prisoners and an amnesty for those on the wanted list.

Republican Sinn Fein believes that our proposals contain the blueprint for a just, lasting and sustainable peace for all of the Irish people. EIRE NUA and Towards A Peaceful Ireland can allows us to make a reality of Tone's dream of substituting the names protestant, catholic and dissenter with those of Irish men and Irish women. Along with our social and economic programme SAOL NUA we can set about creating real All-Ireland political and economic democracy, bringing to an end once and for all the injustice of British rule in our country. Republican Sinn Fein comes to Edinburgh obviously highlight and the political situation in Ireland and the continued struggle against British occupation.

However we also come here as an act of solidarity with all peoples who are struggling to vindicate their right to national independence, freedom and democracy. We are all united in a common struggle to establish in the world a community of free nations. Present as we are in the city of James Connolly's birth I can think of no better description of the kind of world which we should be working to create than that described by Connolly himself: "The day will come, and perhaps like a bolt from the blue when the frontiers will not be sufficient to prevent the handclasp of friendship between the peoples. But that day will come only when the Kings and Kaisers, queens and czars, financiers and capitalists who now oppress humanity will be hurled from their place and power, and the emancipated workers of the earth, no longer the blind instruments of rich men's greed will found a new society, a new civilisation, whose corner stone will be labour, whose inspiring principle will be justice, whose limits humanity alone can bound."

Damian Moran on Radio Free Eireann

2006-08-05T14:50:00.000-07:00

Damian Moran of the pit-stop ploughshares was guest on Radio Free Eireann in New York today. Damian talked in detail about the case and the anti-war movement in Ireland. Damian was joined by Angela McCormack of the Stop the War Coalition (Glasgow, Scotland). Phone calls were taken by Damian and Angela at the end of the program. As co-host John McDonagh stated “Bush may talk of an axis of evil, but we are talking about an axis of solidarity between Dublin, Glasgow and New York.”Preceeding the interview with Damian and Angela, Hosts Sandy Bowyer and John McDonagh had on Edwin Torres on the Save St. Bridgets Committee.St. Brigids a Roman Catholic church, is on Avenue B and Eighth Street on NYC's lower east side.It was built by Irish immigrants fleeing An Gorta Mor, "The Great Hunger."(or more accurately the great starvation) The Committee To Save St. Brigid's Church has led the opposition to the Archdiocese of New York's move to raze the church. The committee represents a coalition of residents, former parishioners, preservationists, and Irish-Americans bridling at both the loss of the historic church and the archdiocese's seeming indifference to the church's growing tide of support.Damian is on after news from Irish correspondent Nolliag O’Gahdra. You can listen to it at on the WBAI Archives at http://archive.wbai.org/

Soldier of the legion of the rear guard

2006-07-27T13:31:00.000-07:00

Soldier of the legion of the rear guard

Robert W White's Ruairi Ó Brádaigh: Indiana 2006, pp412, £18.99

The American sociologist, Robert W White, has finally published his long-awaited biography of Ruairi Ó Brádaigh. Since the 1950s, Ó Brádaigh (born1932) has played a key role within Irish republicanism. He joined the IRA and Sinn Féin in the 1950s and became a major figure in each. He was on the IRA army council for decades and until 1983 was the president of Provisional Sinn Féin.

Today Ó Brádaigh is usually presented as the president of the small ‘dissident’ party, Republican Sinn Féin, which is supposed to have ‘split’ from Provisional Sinn Féin in 1986. Ó Brádaigh is a traditional republican who is no more a ‘dissident’ than Cathal Brugha was an ‘irregular’ in 1922. He claims to be the president not of a ‘splinter group’ but of the same Sinn Féin formed by Arthur Griffith and subsequently abandoned by Griffith himself, Eamon de Valera, Seán MacBride, Tomás Mac Giolla and Gerry Adams, who all broke the party’s constitution and rules.

To take the most recent example, according to section 1b of the Sinn Féin constitution in 1986, proposals supporting entry into Leinster House were banned. Before the Adams leadership put forward a motion to enter Leinster House, they needed to change section 1b by a majority vote. They did not do so, and thus broke the existing Sinn Féin constitution and rules. Ruairi Ó Brádaigh says that he did not split and form a new party - he kept the old one intact (the word ‘Republican’ being added to emphasise the party’s beliefs).

It was Adams and the others who broke away from Sinn Féin, not him. In 1969-70, as in 1986, the constitutions of both the IRA and Sinn Féin had been breached; and Ó Brádaigh formed a provisional caretaker executive upholding the existing Sinn Féin constitution. Most of those who served in the first Provisional army council and party executive followed Ó Brádaigh in 1986. For Ó Brádaigh, “No splits or splinters - long may it remain so, provided we stick to basic principles” (p293). But when it comes to rules and principles being ignored, “the minority is going to expel the majority”, as he puts it (p151).

The treatyites in 1922, Fianna Fáil in 1926 and Clann na Poblachta in 1946 had at least the decency to leave the movement, keep it intact and form new constitutional parties, whereas in 1969-70 and 1986 the Adams leadership attempted to convert the organisation into something that was contrary to its nature. More controversially, Ó Brádaigh does not simply claim to represent the authentic republican movement: his organisation also claims to be the actual legitimate government of Ireland, and that the six-county and 26-county parliaments are “illegal assemblies” of illegitimate states.

To be a republican is not simply to be for a British withdrawal or for Irish unity - at best that makes one an Irish nationalist. To be a traditional republican is to declare one’s allegiance to and recognise “no other law” than that of the 32-county Irish Republic proclaimed in 1916, mandated by the democratic majority vote of the people in the 1918 elections, established by the First and Second Dáil, overthrown by force of arms in 1922 and suppressed to this day by the 26 and six-county states. The republic is not an aspiration, but a reality.

In 1938, the remaining members of the First and Second Dáil delegated their powers to the army council of the IRA, making it the de jure government of Ireland. For most people this will be very difficult to take. But it is gives Ó Brádaigh’s position a coherence that most of his critics lack. “The IRA had for years killed people in defence of the republic. If it was the de jure government of the republic, then it had the legal right to defend it. If it was not the de jure government, then in whose name did it kill? And at what point did that killing become murder?” (p137). Critics such as Martin Mansergh who attack Ó Brádaigh for his ‘legitimist’ and ‘legalist’ positions will constantly run into contradictions and incoherences.

If Leinster House is not an “illegal assembly”, at what point and why did it become legitimate? This is a difficult question for Ó Brádaigh’s critics to answer. De Valera, the founder of Mansergh’s party, led a war against Leinster House, and only joined its system with the intent to overthrow it. If Leinster House is legitimate because a majority accepts it, then why not Stormont as well? And why not accept the treaty in the first place? If an all-Ireland referendum of the people acting as a unit is to be rejected as an act of “coercitive majoritarianism” against unionists, why do Mansergh et al not reject the 1918 elections? When do historical facts cease to become facts? If Mansergh et al’s incoherences are the alternative, then Ó Brádaigh’s “betrayal of the living Dáil” seems highly reasonable and far from ridiculous.

One of Ruairi Ó Brádaigh’s core political principles is non-recognition of and abstention from participation in the partitionist parliaments of Leinster House, Stormont and Westminster: “The central tension in the republican movement since 1921 has been whether or not the ‘republic’ can be achieved through parliamentary politics. The issue split the movement in 1922, 1926, 1946, 1969-70 and 1986.

Ó Brádaigh consistently, firmly, places himself among those who believe that involvement in constitutional politics will divert the Irish republican movement into reform, not revolution” (p337). Ó Brádaigh argues that one cannot ride a horse going in two opposite directions.

Revolutionary politics and constitutionalism are incompatible. However, White’s treatment of abstentionism is slightly too theoretical. Ó Brádaigh’s fundamental point is this: “How can we claim to be a revolutionary organisation if we take part in the institutions of the state which we oppose?” (p298). If one does take part, this will give rise to a deep inconsistencies. For example, when Official Sinn Féin registered as a political party in the 26 counties in April 1971, Ó Brádaigh commented: “It is laughable that the Mac Giolla group, who are supposed to be opposed to the machinery of this state and want to tear it down, are using the same machinery to get registration as a party” (p166).

There is a fundamental contradiction between accepting the legitimacy of a state, of its laws and institutions, the constitutional system and the rules of parliamentarism and agreeing to operate within their framework; and armed insurrectionary politics dedicated to overthrow them. One cannot accept that the state has the monopoly of legitimate force and at the same time have links to an illegal army refusing to recognise the legitimacy of two governments and ready to kill the servants of both.

This generates a problem of divided loyalty which will lead to tensions and inconsistencies; particularly so in regards to the armed forces of the state - notably illustrated in the case of the 1996 killing of Garda McCabe. It is inevitable that either one or the other will have to be chosen. In 1986, when dropping abstentionism, the Provisionals promised: “If there is, by some unforeseen chance, a clash between them [the gardai] and the IRA, our public position in Leinster House on such a clash would be the same public position had we never crossed the floor” (An Phoblacht/Republican News November 6 1986). At the same time the Provisional army stated: “IRA no threat to the 26 counties” (An Phoblacht/Republican News December 3 1987).

However, in a 2002 television interview, Adams stated that the Irish army and the gardai were the only legitimate armed forces: “We are very, very clear in terms of our recognition and acceptance and support for the Garda Siochána as the only legitimate policing service in the state and also in terms of the legitimacy of the defence forces” (RTE This Week February 24 2002). As to going into the state to overthrow the state, historical experience shows that it is the system that transforms revolutionaries rather than vice versa.

Michael Collins, Eamon de Valera, Sean Mac Bride, Cathal Goulding or Gerry Adams might not be insincere or corrupt individuals, but they all became part of the system they originally opposed. More seriously, former revolutionaries, once in the state machine, will not hesitate to turn on their former comrades who questioned their choices. The executions by the pro-treaty government, Fianna Fáil’s willingness to intern, execute and let IRA members die on hunger strikes, the Official Sinn Féin/Workers Party support for extradition and the supergrass system, the Provos’ intimidation and occasional murder of opponents all prove this point.

The book shows that Ruairi Ó Brádaigh is a republican traditionalist, but that does not mean he is a militarist extremist, hostile to peace and incapable of either pragmatism or compromise. Conor Cruise O’Brien himself noted that Ó Brádaigh seemed “more interested in preventing violence than in starting it” (p160). He is not against ceasefires - he ended the 1956-62 campaign, for example. Ó Brádaigh was involved in peace negotiations since the early 1970s - ‘peace’ was not an innovation of the Adams leadership. He was ready to offer honourable compromises to unionists on a number of occasions.

Far from trying to bomb a million protestants into a ‘united Ireland’, as early as 1972 he appealed to the unionists: “Let us repeat once more: we do not wish to submerge the unionists of the north east in an all-Ireland state ... We would never ask you to join the 26-county state - we are trying to escape from it ourselves!” (p194). In Ó Brádaigh’s analysis, a unitary state and rule from Dublin are part of the problem, not part of the solution. Ireland suffers from a triple minority problem: the Irish-speaking minorities in the west of Ireland, the nationalists in the north, and the unionists in Ireland as a whole.

Ó Brádaigh was instrumental in getting the republican movement to propose a federal solution to this triple minority problem to guarantee minority rights and prevent regional disparities. Ó Brádaigh highly regards the Swiss federal system for its ability to safeguard the rights of different national and linguistic groups. The book reminds us that sections of unionism and loyalism in the 1970s gave serious consideration to federal proposals. If the British state was to withdraw and rule from Dublin is unacceptable and an independent Northern Ireland unviable, a federal Ireland with a new capital in Athlone could provide the basis of an acceptable compromise. The federal policy was later denounced by the Adams leadership as a “sop to loyalists”. They wanted a unitary state dominated by nationalists (p284).

Ó Brádaigh’s democratic proposals now sound refreshing, given the ‘numberism’ of those people who now claim that their united Ireland will be come about through ‘outbreeding’ the protestants in the north. The book challenges a number of commonly held mistaken ideas. It refutes the myth that the movement was headed by some ‘southern’ leadership, out of touch with northern realities. Throughout most of the 1970s, the IRA leadership was national in scope, with representation from both sides of the border. It included people like Billy McKee, Leo Martin, Seamus Twomey and Joe Cahill - all from Belfast.

Southern representatives such as Sean Mac Stiofain and Dáithí Ó Conaill tried to tour and meet with northern units on a regular basis (pp203-05). It is thus inaccurate to claim that it was a ‘southern’ leadership that had negotiated the 1975 truce, given seven out of eight representatives of the ‘political and military leadership of the republican movement’ in the negotiations came from the north (pp222, 254-55).

The biography questions the perception that the 1975 truce had been “disastrous”. The British were then talking about ‘structures of disengagement’ from Ireland (p235): “Beginning in January 1975, the British sent signals that they were considering a withdrawal - whether or not the British representatives were purposely or accidentally sending those signals, they were real” (p246). Ó Brádaigh does not remember people back in 1975 expressing concerns either about the handling of the truce or any domination by people from the south.

It is only from 1986 that history was rewritten and that the 1975 truce was officially labelled “disastrous” (p307). White also challenges the idea that there were no politics before Adams and that the movement was pursuing a “monomilitary strategy” in the 1970s. In fact, under Ó Brádaigh the republican movement had always been more than just ‘Brits out’. For example, commentators attach much significance to Jimmy Drumm’s 1977 Bodenstown speech (written by Adams and Morrison) as signalling the ‘politicisation’ of the republican movement. Drumm stated that “a successful war of liberation cannot be fought exclusively on the back of the oppressed in the Six Counties” and that the “isolation” of Republicans around the ‘armed struggle’ was dangerous. The movement needed to develop “a positive tie-in with the mass of the Irish people”, and to do so required taking a stand “on economic issues and on the everyday struggles of the people”.

To present this as some ‘new departure’ is deeply misleading. As early as 1972, Ó Brádaigh was calling on republicans to be active in social and economic issues “so that Irish workers may experience at first hand our concern for their interests” and he warned that Sinn Féin was in danger of becoming only “a support group for the struggle in the north” (pp258-59). Similarly, the ideas expressed by Adams in his Brownie column were far from new. Ó Brádaigh had expressed similar ideas as far back as 1970 (pp257-5. As White concludes, “In the 1970s he had tried to keep politics relevant when almost everyone else, it seemed, focused on the IRA” (p274). Under Ó Brádaigh, politics in the republican movement already existed: he was trying to combine armed struggle with revolutionary politics long before there was any talk of an ‘Armalite and ballot box’ strategy.

What Adams introduced was not politics, but constitutional politics. The same goes for elections. Electoral tactics were nothing new and elections had been used to advance the struggle for decades. Ó Brádaigh himself had been elected as an abstentionist TD in the 1950s. What Adams introduced was electoralism: that is, the use of the struggle to advance electoral gains. The book undermines the perception that Ó Brádaigh is conservative and rightwing. He totally accepted the leftward politicisation of the republican movement by Cathal Goulding and others in the 1960s and by Adams and others in the late 1970s - as long as it did not threaten abstentionism. He considers himself to be a socialist, but argues that socialism cannot be achieved by going into parliamentary institutions that maintain the capitalist system. Cathal Goulding himself noted that among the founders of the Provisionals were some “good revolutionaries and good socialists” who disagreed with parliamentary participation (p370), and Adams described Ó Brádaigh as “quite liberal in his political outlook on social and economic matters”.

A downside of the book is that White does not try to assess the political weight of Ó Brádaigh or of the historical tradition he comes from; and whether or not they have any future. Republican Sinn Féin is a marginal organisation existing on the fringes of Irish politics. In 2004 it failed to get any local councillor elected in the south, and last year it lost its only (unofficial) seat in the north. But his organisation is more concerned about defending principles and upholding a historical tradition than in votes. Voters come and go, but maintaining the continuity of tradition is what is essential for Ó Brádaigh. The other parties that have withdrawn from the high ground of the republic towards the practical acceptance of partitionist institutions just consist of politicians looking for votes. For such parties, the choice is between compromise and irrelevancy, principles and power. So where could the relevance of Ó Brádaigh’s politics lie? “It is not that he enjoys being a revolutionary or that he believes the road to the republic is easiest through the use of physical force and non-constitutional politics. It is a choice between guaranteed failure or the prospect that, at some point, a revolutionary situation - like the one that existed in the 1920s - will allow real transformation of political power in Ireland” (p342).

It is in such a situation that Ó Brádaigh believes his organisation will become politically relevant. But de Valera’s piecemeal reforms gave the 26 counties a status that eventually reconciled the vast majority of its citizens to the state, and the Belfast agreement addresses most of the material grievances which sustained Provisionalism, resulting in a growing social and political incorporation of the catholic working class into the six counties. On that basis it can be questionable whether there is any real space for a revolutionary situation or for Ó Brádaigh’s politics. But that will not deter him.

“If but few are faithful found, they must be all the more steadfast for being a few” (Terence MacSwiney). He will keep the flame alive as long as necessary.

(Published in the Weekly Worker, 20 July 2006)

Building The IRPAS Campaign in America

2006-07-21T11:01:00.000-07:00

BUILDING THE IRPAS CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA ON Saturday, June 10t, Irish Republican Political Activist Support (IRPAS) campaign coordinator Patrick Williams appeared on the New York weekly radio programme, Radio Free Éireann. Pat discussed briefly with the hosts John McDonagh and Sandy Boyer the fact that there are still Republican political prisoners in both Irish states and that the dependants of these prisoners and other political activists deserve assistance.
Pat also told them that participants in the IRPAS program would receive monthly bulletins with up to date information regarding the plight of political activists who are imprisoned on the inside or in a state of virtual imprisonment on the outside!
On July 8 IRPAS coordinator, Pat Williams made another appearance on RFÉ. Geraldine Taylor from Belfast was a guest on the show. Geraldine, a member of the Republican Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle, has spent all her life working in support of political status for Republican prisoners and activists and is still in the forefront of that struggle.
She informed listeners about the White-Line picket which is another Belfast phenomenon, made up by activists and supporters standing on the white dividing line in the middle of a Belfast city street. They carried banners and information kits seeking support for the prisoners on protest in Maghaberry Prison.
Geraldine noted that there were close to 300 people on the line in the middle of the busy Falls Road earlier that day just before that she got on the air
. She was very pleased to note that other organisations also joined in support along with local people, indicating that there is concern about the escalating protest in Maghaberry. She went on to emphasise that the prisoners were not on hunger strike, but that they were rightfully refusing to eat their meals in their cell right next to the toilet, which is a permanent fixture in each cell which is unhygienic and creates a health hazard.
She said that the prisoners demand the right to eat their meals separately in the canteen and that the British have consistently refused this as part of their attempt to criminalise this generation of Republican activists.
Geraldine said that the prisoners are now forced to try and supplement their diet by purchasing vitamins within the prison because the prison authorities refuse to allow the families to bring the vitamins in - at a lot less expense. She said that this was an additional financial strain on the families.
Geraldine stressed time and again that this escalating protest could be alleviated by just a little action, by anyone and everyone who has now become aware of the growing problem for Irish republican prisoners within the British prison in Maghaberry and for their families who are trying to cope with harassment on the outside.
Geraldine implored listeners everywhere to make appeals to the governor of Maghaberry Prison, and to make elected officials, the media and other activists aware of the situation before it gets worse. Hosts John Mc Donagh and Sandy Bowyer spoke on the anniversary on the death of 1981 martyr Joe Mc Donnell on July 8th 1981 in Long Kesh concentration Camp.
John who was in Ireland and attended the funeral spoke of the riots that occurred when the British attempting to capture the honour guard. He said that he remembers the tremendous outpouring of emotion and grief and he said that he hoped that such a situation this would be happening again. Pat Williams (IRPAS) informed listeners about the CABHAIR Monthly Sustainer plan that Cumann na Saoirse Náisiúnta has in place here in America.
Pat explained that the plan is now in its second month and has shown good response for the June appeal. He said that it is a voluntary appeal and that the amount to be contributed is up to the donor. Pat said that a number of people collected the 25th anniversary hunger strike calendar for having donated at least $100.00. Pat joined in the call for activist to do as Geraldine suggested and contact elected officials, the media and other activists before the situation spirals out of control.
He concluded by reminding the listening audience that this year was the 25th anniversary of the 1981 Hunger strike and that "as they were political prisoners in 1981 and they are political prisoners today", as the principles are the same.

Principles and Tactics

2006-07-21T10:54:00.000-07:00

Principles and Tactics
Liam O Ruairc

Last year, Irish journalist Kevin Rafter published an insightful book on Sinn Fein. (Kevin Rafter, Sinn Fein 1905-2005: In the Shadow of Gunmen, Dublin: Gill&Macmillan, 2005) Rafter's fundamental thesis is that under the Adams leadership, the rule book of Irish republicanism was fundamentally rewritten, ideological purity was jettissoned in favour of electoral advancement:

"The trade-off has been between a position of principle combined with isolation or opting for pragmatism married to political success. In the 'era of pragmatism', the Adams leadership ensured which choice was made." (p.5) The problem with Rafter's characterisation is that it tends to confuse pragmatism and opportunism. Pragmatism is about temporarily setting aside a minor ideal to achieve some higher ideal. Opportunism is abandoning some important political principles in the process of trying to increase one's political power and influence. With pragmatism, there is unity between means and ends; whereas with opportunism, political means have become ends in themselves and the orginal relation between means and ends is lost.

Just before Adams succeeded him as President of Sinn Fein, Ruairi O Bradaigh declared: "No splits or splinters -long may it remain so provided we stick by our basic principles." (APRN 17 Nov 83) But those 'basic principles' are they really principles or are they just tactics?

The question was not new. At its 1975 Ard Fheis, Sinn Fein debated the recognition of the courts: was it a tactic, or was it a principle? (AP, 7 November 1975) The confusion of principles and tactics opens the road to opportunism. "The record of the Adams era shows that everything in the republican code is now a tactic...He has displayed a total disregard for traditional republican dogma and has refused to be hamstrung by historical principles like abstentionism and decommissioning..." (p.242)

Take the example of abstentionism. According to O Bradaigh: "Discussing going into Leinster House, Stormont or Westminster is as foreign and as alien as that the IRA would sit down and discuss surrender of arms." (APRN 17 Nov 83) Rafter comments: "In the mid-1980s, O Bradaigh may not have guessed at how accurate his crystal-ball gazing would be. But just over a decade later, Sinn Fein would indeed take seats in all but the Westminster parliament, while the IRA would sanction two acts of decommissioning before ordering an end to its armed campaign in July 2005." (p.122)

Dropping abstentionism in the context of Leinster House was sold as a tactic, however abstention from Stormont or Westminster grass roots were told, was a matter of principle. Martin McGuiness then declared: 'I can give a commitment on behalf of the leadership that we have absolutely no intention of going to Westminster or Stormont. (...) Our position is clear and it will never, never, never change. The war against British rule must continue until freedom is achieved. (...) We will lead you to the Republic.' (The Politics Of Revolution, The main speeches and debates from the 1986 Sinn Fein Ard-Fheis including the presidential address of Gerry Adams)

Eight years later, the 'war against British rule' was over, and five years after that Martin McGuiness was a British Minister of Education in the Stormont assembly. This again was sold as a 'tactic'. Some time ago, Adams stated: "There will never, ever be Sinn Fein MPs sitting in the British Houses of Parliament." (House of Commons, SN/PC1667, p.17)

However, interestingly enough, in 2000, Mitchel McLaughlin claimed that his party was not in Westminster not because abstention from that institution was a fundamental Republican principle, but because 'there was no strategic value in going to Westminster' (Gerald Murray and Jonathan Tonge, Sinn Fein and the SDLP: From Alientation to Participation, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, p.228). Everything is now reduced to a 'tactic'.

Tom Hartley argued twenty years ago that "There is a principle rising above all principles and that is the principle of success." (APRN 7 Nov 85) The movement is everything, principles nothing; or at least the movement and its growth come first, principles second. In terms of international comparison, Rafter cannot find any other example of political movements who have gone so far in the dillution of their core principles: "No other political party in Europe has undergone such a radical overhaul of its basic principles, not even the former communist parties in Central and Eastern Europe that transformed themselves into social democratic entities in the aftermath of the fall of the Soviet bloc." (p.15)

More significantly, in an Irish context, there are no historical precedents of a Republican organisation going so far. Take for example the Provisional movement abandoning abstentionism from Stormont: "It was a departure no previous republican had endorsed. Not even de Valera when he departed Sinn Fein in 1926 argued that republicans should end abstentionism in the context of parliamentary representation in Northern Ireland.

The so-called compromisers in 1926, who re-emerged as Fianna Fail, and those in in the post-1970 Official movement who evolved into the Workers Party, broke ranks with republican dogma purely in the context of taking seats in Dail Eireann. The idea of republican representatives sitting in an assembly of a partitioned Northern Ireland was never an issue. In effect, with the 1998 decision, Adams moved his Sinn Fein organisation even further away from the party that called itself Sinn Fein after the 1921 Treaty split." (p.138) The same goes for decommissioning. Even the hated 'Sticks' never decommissioned a single bullet of their arsenal... Danny Morrison recently wrote some interesting reflections on principles and tactics: "There are many republicans who feel that the IRA leadership went too far ... I myself think that whilst there have been mistakes they got the balance just about right. But it has been a difficult road given that the armed struggle was waged - and could only have been waged - with idealistic zeal and for fundamental demands. Independence and a socialist Ireland are what Volunteers signed up for and for which many laid down their lives. We demanded a British withdrawal within the lifetime of a government. We demanded that Britain recognise the right of the Irish people as a unit to national self-determination. We demanded an amnesty for the political prisoners. And we fought one hell of a long struggle and paid a heavy price in pursuit of those demands. But there were many lessons learnt along the way.

The exigencies of survival meant that republicans couldn't allow themselves to be constrained by their principles. And so, the IRA began 'recognising' courts, particularly in the South where the unchallenged word of a garda superintendent was enough to imprison a Volunteer. Volunteers fought court cases, took the witness stand and refuted allegations of membership and IRA activity. In miscellaneous, political and quasi-political court cases republicans paid fines and some individuals - again quoting pragmatism, but against republican policy - pleaded guilty in court to minimise their sentences.

After the Public Order (Northern Ireland) Order was introduced in 1987, republican activists 'filed' for marches, albeit insulating themselves from direct dealings with the RUC through using solicitors. (...) Republicans have used the courts and judicial reviews to sue the state or compel unionists to obey equality laws. Purists will argue that this dilutes one's republicanism - but purists rarely have anything to show for struggle and sacrifice. Life is complex, circumstances change, battles are won and lost, opportunities arise, and, as in nature, it is those who can adapt who survive and thrive.

In fact, to use and exploit the system in a considered way, both in its contradictions or whatever advantages it offers to achieve one's ultimate aims is often to do the revolutionary thing. And this, to me, is the story of the peace process, and the peace process to me is a phase of struggle." (Danny Morrison, "Paisley just a blip in the ongoing peace process", Daily Ireland, 9 February 2006)

The recognition of the courts is a matter of pragmatism. Abandoning 'fundamental demands' is an example of opportunism. Questions of principles become confused with questions of tactics. Presenting this as part of a 'new phase of the struggle' is simply a device to hide the Provisional movement's strategic failure

25th Anniversary Commemoration for Martin Hurson

2006-07-21T10:48:00.000-07:00

25th ANNIVERSARY OF HURSON HUNGER STRIKE

On Sunday July 15, Republicans from around Ireland gathered in Mostrim, Co Longford to mark the 25th anniversary of the death on hunger strike of Martin Hurson from Cappagh in Co Tyrone.

Martin Hurson contested the then Longford\Westmeath constituency in the 26 County elections in June 1981 as a H Block candidate polling 5,520 votes. The ceremony was also to mark the unveiling of the Hurson memorial, located just outside the town at the entrance to the railway station. The memorial was first unveiled in 2001 to mark the 20th anniversary of the hunger strikes but was later removed by Longford Co Council due to road widening.

The Co Council subsequently re-erected the memorial. The ceremonies began with a march from the town led by the Glens of Antrim accordion band, two pipers and a flag bearer. The unveiling ceremony was chaired by ex-councillor Sean Lynch, who acted as Martin Hurson's election agent in 1981 and who delivered his graveside oration. Sean Lynch explained the background to the hunger strikes of 1981 and Martin Hurson's election campaign.

He pledged that the same struggle would continue until Britain had been removed from Ireland. He then called on Stephen Fullam, to lay a wreath on behalf of the Co Longford H Block committee. Wreaths were also laid by Kieran Dolan, on behalf of the Republican Sinn Fein, Martin Hurson Cumann, and Athlone and by Kay Curran, Galway. on behalf of the National H Block committee.

Sean Lynch recited a decade of the rosary As Gailge. A bugler then played the Last Post and Revallie. Tommy Morris, Westmeath read the hunger strike roll of honour. Following this Sean Lynch recounted Tomas Ashe's, the first Republican to die on hunger strike, local associations and his arrest following a public meeting in Ballinalee. The President of Republican Sinn Fein Ruairi O Bradaigh read the statement from the OC of the Republican prisoners currently protesting in Maghaberry prison, in the Six Counties. Ruairi O Bradaigh outlined the background to the prisoners' campaign and the conditions being endured by them.

Sean Lynch then unveiled the monument having apologised on behalf of Tom Mitchell, Dublin, who was due to perform the unveiling but was unable to attend. He was elected a TD whilst a prisoner in the Six Counties in 1955 for Fermanagh\ South Tyrone. Although unseated along with Phil Clarke because they were prisoners he was elected again with an increased majority before being eventually unseated in a British court. Before the oration was delivered one of the pipers played a lament.

The main oration was delivered by Lurgan Republican Brendan Magill, who was himself imprisoned in both Portlaoise and English prisons. In a spirited oration Brendan Magill told the assembled crowd about Martin Hurson's background. He said that the horrific torture inflicted on Martin Hurson by the RUC contributed to his early death on hunger strike. "Martin Hurson gave his life for Ireland. He and his comrades were in Long Kesh to get the Brits out of Ireland and to re-establish the All-Ireland Republic.

They did not die for seats in Leinster House, Stormont or Westminster." Brendan Magill said. Referring to the current protest for political status by Republican prisoners in Maghaberry he warned that there must not be a repeat of 1981. "It is our duty to alert the Irish people to what is happening in Maghaberry. These men are not in prison simply to achieve better conditions but to drive England out of Ireland." He went on to pay tribute to Sean Lynch and the other Longford Republicans during Martin Hurson's election campaign.

"The hunger strikers died for you and me, they died to make Ireland a better place. Let us play our part in achieving the Republic for which they died." Brendan Magill concluded. The ceremony ended with a parade back to the town centre where the band played Amhrain na bFiann.

Support the Prisoners? Then Support RPAG and CABHAIR

2006-07-21T10:39:00.000-07:00

REPUBLICAN POWs NEED YOUR SUPPORT

The Republican Prisoners Action Group (RPAG) is an highly active organisation dedicated to working on behalf of Irish Republican political prisoners. You can help the prisoners be getting involved with the RPAG.

PLEASE PROVIDE ANY SUPPORT YOU CAN TO REPUBLICAN PRISONERS ACTION GROUP OR JOIN YOUR LOCAL PRISONERS ACTION GROUP – PHONE 028 90319004 (6 COUNTIES) OR 223 PARNELL ST, DUBLIN 1, 01 8729747 (26 COUNTIES)

Cabhair - Irish Republican Prisoners Dependants Fund

Cabhair is a charitable organisation, solely dependant on public subscriptions. It was established in early 1987, following the revolutionary / reformist split in the republican movement, for "the relief of cases of distress arising out of republican activity". Immediately following the Ard-Fheis of Sinn Féin in 1986 when the Provisionals departed from the Republican road a number of Irish political prisoners in England, the Six Counties and the 26 Counties adhered to the revolutionary path and refused to accept support from the Provisionals.

To meet this pressing need CABHAIR was formed and has continued with this noble work. Prisoners that they have cared for have been released on completion of sentence and others have gone to prison. At no time since 1987 have no prisoners been in CABHAIR's care. As long as British rule continues in Ireland, Irish people will resist that foreign occupation and, unfortunately, there will be political prisoners.

CABHAIR currently supports Republican prisoners in Portlaoise prison in the 26 Counties and Maghaberry prison in the Six Occupied Counties. Donations can be sent to : CABHAIR - Irish Republican Prisoners Dependants Fund 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1. Ireland

In America, contact Cumann na Saoirse Náisiúnta/The National Irish Freedom Committee. http://www.irishfreedom.net nifcmem@optonline.net

STAND BY THE PRISONERS WHO STAND BY THE ALL-IRELAND REPUBLIC!

Facts about Irish Political Prison Protest (and how you can help)

2006-07-21T10:35:00.000-07:00

How can you help? Get involved and take part in the Cabhair monthly sustainer!
Cabhair, is an Irish charitable organisation that provides financial assistance to the dependants and family members of Irish Republican political prisoners. I would urge everyone who reads this to help them in this most noble of work by making a contribution. Cumann Na Saoirse Náisiúnta (National Irish Freedom Committee) sends all collected donations straight to Cabhair through its Monthly Sustainer program. The program is the cornerstone of the NIFC's Irish Republican Political Activists Support (IRPAS) Campaign. The Sustainer program operates on the pledge principle, whereby, donors pledge a monthly contribution: the amount to be decided by the donor. The National irish Freedom Committee is getting the word out that there are still Republican political prisoners in both Irish states and that the dependants of these prisoners and other political activists deserve our assistance. Get involved! Participants in the program will receive monthly bulletins informing them of up to date information regarding the plight of political activists who are imprisoned on the inside or in a state of virtual imprisonment on the outside! The National Irish Freedom Committee supports the dependents of Republican political prisoners through Cabhair in Ireland. Cabhair has been in existence for many years supporting the dependents of faithful Republican prisoners, and ensnared Éire Nua political activists throughout the 32 Irish counties. Anyone wishing to take part in the program should contact at: IRPAS@irishfreedom.net and visit the NIFC's website at: http://www.irishfreedom.net
Facts about Republican Prisoners at Maghaberry Gaol

* Thirty-eight Republican Prisoners currently imprisoned in Maghaberry Gaol.
* "Controlled movement" is imposed on Republican landings with only three prisoners permitted out of their cells on the landing at any one time with each prisoners accompanied by two prison officers. Free Association on landings completely removed.
* Legislation introduced by British government following the Good Friday Agreement removed the right of Republican prisoners to organise themselves on their own landings and removed the right of Republican prisoners to spend their time in prison constructively.
* Prisoners made to chose between daily exercise or education. Prisoners denied educational facilities to enable them to organise their own education.
* Easter lilies banned in the prison. Other Republican handicrafts confiscated and destroyed by prison officers.
* PSNI/RUC approval required before prisoners permitted on Republican landing.
* Republican prisoners’ parole entitlement has been reduced to half that of other prisoners.
* Denial of compassionate paroles for family and religious occasions. Parole for funerals of immediate family members often restricted to 6 hours or less.
* Constant use of strip searching to humiliate prisoners contrary to international law. One prisoner received 31 strip searches and 1,135 rub down searches in a six month period.
* Prisoners locked in their cells for alternately 21/23 hours per day.
* Abuse of the sniffer dogs in an attempt to criminalise political prisoners. Families and prisoners are wrongly accused of smuggling drugs into the prison. Familes are forced to have closed family visits which take place through Perspex screen while prisoners returning from parole are placed in solitary confinement for 48 hours.
* Family visitors exposed to Loyalist visitors while visiting prison. Prisoners exposed to Loyalists going to and from legal visits.
* The power of the Governor to punish a prisoner by taking away remission was reintroduced specifically for Republican prisoners after it was banned by the European Court of Human Rights in 2002.
* Access to a doctor available only once a week.
* Interference with correspondence. *
Irish language and cultural items including handicrafts made relating to hunger strikes confiscated or destroyed by prison officers
_________________
Cumann Na Saoirse Náisíunta
National Irish Freedom Committee
http://www.irishfreedom.net/

Upcoming Republican Commemorations

2006-07-03T10:20:00.000-07:00

ANNUAL TOM MAGUIRE COMMEMORATION CROSS CEMETERY CO MAYO WEDNESDAY, JULY 5, 9pm

HUNGER STRIKE COMMEMORATION SUNDAY, JULY 9 CARRICK-ON-SHANNON Assemble: Glancys, Cortobber, 12 noon

REDEDICATION OF MARTIN HURSON PLAQUE SUNDAY, JULY 16 MOSTRIM (EDGEWORTHSTOWN), CO. Longford

HUNGER STRIKE COMMEMORATION JULY 30, 3pm BULLRING, WEXFORD TO THE GARDEN OF REMEMBERANCE

HUNGER STRIKE COMMEMORATION SATURDAY, AUGUST 5 DUNGIVEN, CO DERRY

HUNGER STRIKE COMMEMORATION SATURDAY, AUGUST 12 MOONCOIN, CO KILKENNY Assemble: Technical School, 7.30pm

Thanks to the IRBB for the info! http://admin2.7.forumer.com/index.php

104 year old IRA Veteran and RSF patron on "Wind That Shakes The Barley"

2006-06-29T12:03:00.000-07:00

104 year old Veteran views ‘Wind that shakes the Barley’

It took Dan Keating two hours to travel by bus to Cork City where, in the presence of Loach, the film premiered last Wednesday. Even at the age of 104, it was a trip that Mr Keating, who fought against the Black and Tans in the struggles of the 1920s, was determined to make. "It brought back old memories, all right , I thought it was very factual now, very good. It worked very well, I thought."

Keating, a rifleman, took part in two large-scale "Tan war" actions, at Castlemaine and Castleisland in Co Kerry, in which twelve Black and Tans and other British personnel were killed. He is one of the few men alive to have witnessed events at first hand.

The "Tan war" is now officially viewed as the triumph of courageous rebels against British occupation, and is commemorated with pride by all political parties in the Republic of Ireland. But the subsequent civil war, in which Keating fought on the side of the anti-treaty rebels, pitted brothers against brothers in a vicious conflict which created internal divisions that are dying out only now. So, while tales of the Tans have always been told with relish, the Irish are mostly very reticent to recall the civil war. Mr Keating said of his civil war opponents: "They were worse than the Black and Tans, and they committed some awful atrocities. In one week they murdered 19 people - comrades I knew only too well. They were just gone overnight."

One of these actions was carried out on the eve of a truce. "We knew the truce was coming up.’ .Mr Keating's life is doubly remarkable in that he has survived not just physically but also in terms of his opinions. These have remained absolutely intact for almost 90 years.

He is the patron of Republican Sinn Fein, a Republican party. Its members regard themselves as the true heirs of the state's founding fathers. Mr Keating has never accepted a state pension because he regards the Dublin government as fundamentally illegitimate. He refused to accept the state's standard €2,500 (£1,380) award to centenarians because he was "stunned" to hear the Irish President saying that her ambition was to walk through Dublin with the Queen. He describes the current Irish peace process as "a joke", saying his views have "never changed" over the years’, the only time you will ever have peace is when the people of the 32 counties elect one parliament."

Two interviews with O’Bradaigh biographer

2006-06-28T11:42:00.000-07:00

O’Bradaigh biographer interviewed Robert W White, author of "Ruairí Ó Brádaigh: The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary" has twice been a recent guest of The Taylor Report.

You can listen/download both: May 15th episode “The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary", Robert W. White talks about his biography of Ruairi O’Bradaigh. Second half of the program is about Rwanda: Defence lawyer, Peter Erlinder, details the evidence. http://www.taylor-report.com/audio/index.php?month=2006-05

June 19th episode Robert White speaks about Dr Seán Maguire's Oration at this year's Wolfe Tone Commemoration and the history of the Irish Republican Movement. Second half of the program is an interview with Marty Two-Bulls. Marty talks about the upcoming Anniversary of "Custer's Last Stand". http://www.taylor-report.com/audio/

Belfast Support For Prison Protest

2006-06-28T07:47:00.000-07:00

A statement on June 28 Republican Sinn Féin, Belfast said that in 2006 Irish Republicans were still incarcerated for their political beliefs. The statement continued: In 1981 ten brave men died for the fight for political status. Twenty-five years later the fight still goes on. Today Republican prisoners have once again found it necessary to resort to prison protest. We urge all Republicans to support the prisoners in their struggle to gain back the right to be treated as POWs.

These men are prisoners of war and deserve to be treated as such. 1981: They were political prisoners then 2006: They are political prisoners now. Help end the prison struggle; support the Republican POWs. Political status is a right not a privilege. We like to call on all ex-prisoners' group to come out and show their support for all political prisoners who are on protest in Maghaberry Concentration Camp.

We ask them to join in white-line pickets and any other protest organised by the Republican Prisoners Action Group and Republican Sinn Féin. We need everyone to show their support -- come to the white-line picket and support the prison protest.

Geraldine Taylor
RSF Belfast

Prison Protest Continues

2006-06-26T11:04:00.000-07:00

On Monday 26th June 2006 Republican POW’s in Maghaberry will begin the second phase of their Prison Protest and will be refusing to eat meals in their cells. The RPAG would like to stress that the POW’s are not on Hunger Strike.

POW’s on the Segregated wing are denied access to canteen facilities and are forced to eat meals in their cells in close proximity to the toilet. This is a practical problem that we believe results from the policy of Controlled Movement enforced on the Segregated landing. This policy prevents any more than three prisoners being allowed out of their cells at any one time and requires a staff to prisoner ratio of 4:2 and 3:1.

The RPAG consider that the policy of Controlled Movement is excessively restrictive and POW’s will not tolerate these conditions any longer.The Prison Protest began on Monday 19th June 2006 and will continue until the five demands outlined by the POW’s are addressed.

FREE ASSOCIATION
END TO CONTROLLED MOVEMENT
RIGHT TO FULL TIME EDUCATION
SEPARATE VISITING FACILITY
RIGHT TO ORGANISE OUR OWN LANDINGS

POW’s in Portlaoise Prison have expressed support for the Prison Protest and will begin a 24hour fast on Wednesday 28th June in solidarity with their comrades in Maghaberry. They have indicated that this will continue each week for the foreseeable future and in a statement issued from Portlaoise have called for support for the POW’s in Maghaberry in their fight to win back Political Status.

Support the Prisoners who support the All-Ireland Republic

REPUBLICAN PRISONERS ACTION GROUP STATEMENT
Monday 26th June 2006

RSF Stands By The Prisoners

2006-06-21T11:55:00.000-07:00

RSF supports protest action by prisoners in Maghaberry
Statement by Ruairi O Bradaigh, President, Republican Sinn Fein

Republican Sinn Fein declares its support for the protest action of the Republican prisoners in Maghaberry Prison, Co Antrim commenced on June 19. In this 25th anniversary year of the H-Block hunger strike, the British government must not be allowed to go back down the road of attempting to criminalise Republicans while they treat them in an inhumane manner. In addition to 21 and 23 hour lock-up on alternate days there are constant strip searches. Prisoners are made to choose between daily exercise and education. They are denied facilities to enable them to organise their own education. The prisoners seek the right to free association on their own landings and an end to "controlled movement". They are abused by the use of sniffer dogs to harass their visitors and themselves. Safe and secure visits are denied, Family visitors are exposed to loyalist visitors and the prisoners themselves are exposed to loyalists while going to and from legal visits. Since Republican prisoners secured separation from loyalist and ordinary prisoners some years ago, they have been targeted for special reduced conditions. The mistakes of the past must not be repeated in 2006.
www.rsf.ie

Prison Protest Begins - Political Status Now!

2006-06-19T12:14:00.000-07:00

PRISON PROTEST BEGINS

Monday 19th June On Monday 19th

June Republican POW’s began a protest action in Maghaberry, this is the first in a series of protests planned by Republican POW’s in the gaol. POW’s are making clear that they will not accept the sub standard conditions on the segregated wing, they will not be criminalised nor will they be intimidated or coerced by the petty restrictions being imposed by prison screws to make the day to day life in the gaol for POW’s more difficult. Political Status has been denied to Republican POW’s since the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and as a result conditions both for POW’s and their families and visitors have worsened considerably.

The Republican Prisoners Action Group (RPAG) was formed to highlight the conditions faced by POW’s and we have met with the Human Rights Commission who accepted that our concerns were justified. Monsignor Faul, at our request also visited the gaol and spoke with the OC, he issued a report strongly criticising the regime and the conditions in which POW’s are forced to exist. The British Inspectorate for Prisons issued a Report in October 2005 that was also critical of a number of practices within the Segregated Regime in Maghaberry and yet the Prison Service have done nothing to adequately address these concerns.

The RPAG contributed a submission to the consultation process for the Separated Regime Review conducted by the Prison Service. In their ‘Summary of Responses to Consultation of the Review of the Separated Regime’ the Prison Service clearly indicated that they had identified the sources of concern of those who had contributed, however they failed to address any of these issues in a productive way.

The main issues of contention of those who contributed were:
1. Searching
2. The passive drugs dog
3. The daily regime
4. Controlled movement.

In relation to searching prisoners it was reported that the number of rub down searches would be reduced, however the report also referred to plans to build a facility for ‘private searches’ ie. Strip searches that will be sited within access of the circle areas in Bush and Roe Houses (the Segregated wings). The use of the passive drugs dog is not to be changed in any way that will benefit prisoners or facilitate the maintaining of regular family visits.

Minor changes have been made that do not alter the present system in any recognisable way and the issue of prison staff abusing their control of the dog to prevent visits to POW’s in the segregated wing and to put POW’s in punishment cells on their return from Leave have not been addressed at all. Instead of altering what is a sub-standard daily regime that requires POW’s to choose between exercise and education and enforces 18hour and 22hour lock-up on alternate days the prison service have plans to implement a Two-Tier regime.

This is entirely unacceptable to Republican POW’s who are not seeking to earn privileges from the Northern Ireland Prison Service but are demanding their rights as Political Prisoners. The review indicates that Controlled movement will not be changed and insists that it is necessary, the RPAG strongly refute this assertion.

Controlled movement is excessively restrictive and prevents any free association between POW’s. The POW’s are not prepared to accept these conditions and feel that the RPAG have exhausted all avenues on their behalf to no avail. The RPAG call on the public to give their support to the POW’s at this time.

The Hunger Strikers sacrificed themselves to improve conditions for those POW’s who came after them and to ensure that Political Status was available to POW’s as of RIGHT. No one can be justified in signing away the Rights of others, however that is what happened in the Good Friday Agreement, and POW’s are now in a position where they must begin the fight for Political Status again. Republican POW’s have formulated five demands and call for these to be addressed immediately.

1. FREE ASSOCIATION
2. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
3. RIGHT TO FULL TIME EDUCATION
4. SEPARATE VISITING FACILITY
5. RIGHT TO ORGANISE OUR OWN LANDINGS

The British Government, the Prison Service, the media and local politicians have all been well aware of these issues for some time and have done nothing to address them. The POW’s have been left with no choice but to engage in protest within the gaol and this protest will no doubt intensify if these issues are not addressed and their demands are not dealt with. The POW’s are relying on the Irish people to stand with them in their fight to improve conditions and ultimately to win back Political Status. The Irish people have never failed POW’s in the past and we have faith that they will not fail them now.

REPUBLICAN PRISONERS ACTION GROUP

sinn féin, sinn féin amháin

2006-06-19T10:57:00.000-07:00

In 1902, Arthur Griffith, Editor of the United Irishman, presented to the third annual convention of Cumann na nGaedheal the most revolutionary political idea since the fall of Parnell; it was that the elected Irish Members of Parliament should refuse to sit in Westminster, demand reinstitution of the Irish Parliament of 1782, and pledge allegiance only to a king of Ireland, not to the King of England. While the Liberator, Daniel O’Connell, had once considered such unilateral action, he had not forced the issue. Griffith provided a strategy of passive resistance by turning an assembly of Irish MPs into a de facto constitutional convention.

Modeled on Frank Deak’s policy, which resulted in the Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary in 1867, Griffith serialized his abstentionist program in the United Irishman as the Resurrection of Hungary, and then published it as a pamphlet and distributed it widely in 1904. The direct result of this idea was the formation of Sinn Féin on 28th November 1905, as an abstentionist political party, with internal self-reliance as its principal plank, pledging never to recognize or use the services or forces of the enemy. The founders of Sinn Féin were Arthur Griffith, Seán T. O’Kelly, Bulmer Hobson, Countess Markiewicz and Seán Mac Diarmada. In addition to contesting a Parliamentary election in North Lietrim in 1908, Sinn Féin was also active locally, electing a number of men to county councils and other local bodies.

Historian, lecturer, Conradh na Gaeilge president and Radio Free Erin (public service broadcasting, 99.5 FM in New York) commentator Nollaig Ó Gadhra points out that the big change in Sinn Féin came in the Árd Fheis of 1917, when the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) under the guidance of Michael Collins and the Irish Volunteers under Cathal Brugha, caused Sinn Féin to change its policy from monarchist to republican abstention.

After the Rising, Sinn Féin adopted an election manifesto for all elections, insisting upon the Irish Republic Proclaimed on Easter Monday, 1916. Éamonn deValera, campaigning in an Irish Volunteer uniform, was elected for East Clare in June 1917. At the Árd Fheis of Sinn Féin in October 1917, Arthur Griffith graciously stepped down from President to Vice President of Sinn Féin, to allow the election of deValera, who, after the death on hunger strike of Thomas Ashe, was the senior surviving Commandant from 1916.

This was the Sinn Féin which contested the general election of 14 December 1918, promising to NOT represent their constituents or their country in the mighty Westminster Parliament in London, but rather to set up, without foreign let or hindrance, a republican assembly which would form an Irish government for Ireland. Sinn Féin won over 79% of the popular vote in all Ireland, and 73 of 105 seats, in what can only be described as a plebiscite for independence.

The delegates who assembled in the Mansion House in Dublin formed the First Dáil Éireann and issued the Irish Declaration of Independence on 21 January 1919 (legally the equivalent of the American Declaration of Independence by the Second Continental Congress, promulgated on the 4th of July 1776). That Easter Monday, 1916 is regarded as the significant date is a consequence of the pre-existing Army Council of the Irish Republican Army – Óglaigh na hÉireann (the IRA) insisting upon the First Dáil Éireann recognizing the Irish Republic proclaimed in arms in 1916, as a condition for the IRA coming under the authority of the government formed by the First Dáil Éireann. [See also Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (New York, 1965).]

The democratic voice of the Irish people had spoken (vox populi, vox Dei), and their elected representatives sought the recognition of their national self-determination as promised by American President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, on which basis the Armistice ending the Great War on 11 November 1918, had been accepted by the Central Powers. Ireland was denied recognition and a seat at the Versailles peace conference. The ensuing conflict between the forces of the Imperial Government in London and the Irish Republic has become known to history as the “Black and Tan War” (1919-1921). But, the military lessons of Dublin 1916 having been studied in the internment camp of Frongoch, the forces of the Irish Republic waged an asymmetrical conflict against the alien forces of occupation.

Modern guerilla warfare entered on to the twentieth century. England, though still in control of many strong points, could no longer coerce Ireland into remaining peacefully within her empire. A Second (Republican) Dáil Éireann came together in August 1921 (124 Sinn Féin and 4 Unionist members). Nollaig Ó Gadhra, in Civil War in Connacht (Cork & Dublin: Mercier Press, 1999), points out that the Sinn Féin delegates regarded their mandate to be as Teachta Dála Éireann (TDÉ), that is, deputies to the assembly of all Ireland (not just 26 counties, as presumed by the British Government of Ireland Act, 23 December 1920 – for which no Irishman voted).

There was a truce, and a delegation sent to negotiate a peace was sent to London. This delegation, under the threat of “immediate and terrible war,” and without referring the text to the government of the Irish Republic in Dublin, signed Articles of Agreement [The Treaty] on 6 December 1921. The “Treaty” was accepted by a vote of 64 to 57 on 7 January 1922 (Brian O’Higgins, in more than one issue of the Wolfe Tone Annual, pointed out that only three of the TDs accepted it on its merits, the remainder who voted for it said it would be a “steppingstone to the Republic” – all of the women TDs voted against the Treaty).

The issue was to be referred to the people in a general election on 16 June 1922, by a “Pact” between Éamonn deValera and Michael Collins (negotiated by Harry Boland) there was to be a coalition “Panel” government of pro- and anti-Treaty members, whichever faction dominated. The Republican Second Dáil was to reassemble on 30 June 1922, under its Ceann Comhairle, who would then summon the new Third Dáil. Brian O’Higgins points out that, on 28 June, at the instigation of Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill, the Provisional Government of the Free State attacked the Republican (Army) Executive in the Four Courts, thus seizing power through a coup d’état, precipitating civil war. The Second Dáil Éireann never met to dissolve itself in 1922

The Republican political leader was deValera, President of Sinn Féin. After the deaths of Griffith and Collins, on 12 and 22 August 1922, the political leadership of the Free State fell to William Cosgrave, who, having abandoned the Republic, did not call his party Sinn Féin, but Cumann na nGaedheal (later Fine Gael). When, in 1926, deValera, sensing the opportunity to wrest power from Cosgrave, wanted to be able to enter the 26-County Dáil of the Free State (the creation of the British government) should he gain a majority of TDs, he was forced to form Fianna Fáil, a new party, with a new name, for that purpose. In 1929, in Leinster House, deValera, stating that he was not saying the same thing as he had said in 1922, acknowledged that “there are people outside this house who can claim the same legitimacy as we can,” but who differ on the road to be taken to the Republic.

Those people were Sinn Féin, the IRA and Tom Maguire and the other surviving members of the Republican Second Dáil Éireann. In 1937, under deValera, the 26-County state (still the “fruit of the poison tree” – to use a legal explanation of the pedigree of the mutated descendant of the 26-County Irish Free State enacted by the Westminster Parliament and imposed by collaborators politically analogous to the later Vichy government in that part of France not immediately occupied by the Nazis in 1940) adopted the “Éire” constitution, which was republican in form, but allowed the continued Partition of Ireland (while claiming sovereignty over “the entire island of Ireland, its islands and territorial seas” – an article later dispensed with).

Seán Mac Bride, who had been Chief of Staff of the IRA in 1936, feeling that he could work within this framework, resigned from the movement, but did not call his new political party Sinn Féin, but Clann na Poblachta. Republican Sinn Féin former Donegal Councilor Joe O’Neill points out that before Mac Bride’s acceptance of the 1937 constitution the alienation of the mass of the people from the Free State could be seen in the fact that the majority of the eligible 26-County electorate boycotted the general elections altogether. In 1938, the surviving members of the Second Dáil Éireann, the legitimate government of the Irish Republic, dissolved itself (in accordance with a 1921 Dáil statute requiring it to do so should its membership be in danger of falling below seven), passing the mantle of legitimacy to the Army Council of the Irish Republican Army. Sinn Féin continued as the abstentionist Republican party, remaining loyal to the Irish Republic Proclaimed in arms on Easter Monday, 1916, ratified by the Irish electorate in 1918 and established by the First Dáil Éireann in 1919.

In 1950 the torch was passed by Sinn Féin President Margaret Buckley to a new generation of Republicans. Sinn Féin was reorganized and new leaders emerged, among them Seán Cronin, Séan Kearney, Joe Murphy, Tomás Mac Curtain, Gearóid Mangan, Tom Doyle, Charles Murphy, Paddy McLogan and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh. Sinn Féin, still abstentionist, contested elections. On May 6, 1955, two Sinn Féin (abstentionist) candidates were elected to the Westminster Parliament: Tom Mitchel for Mid-Ulster, and Phil Clarke for Fermanagh-South Tyrone. Both men were disqualified by the British as “convicted felons” (read: political prisoners or prisoners of war). Mitchel ran again in a bye-election August, tripling his margin of victory; again he was disqualified. A third election in May 1956 saw him defeated after another so-called “nationalist” was persuaded to enter and siphon off a little over 6,000 votes (to Mitchel’s over 24,000) to elect a Unionist.

Sinn Féin had demonstrated the existence of strong Republican/anti-Partition sentiment in those six of the divided Irish Province of Ulster’s nine counties known as “Northern Ireland.” Another consequence of Sinn Féin’s activity was to demonstrate to the world the denial of democracy by the British government in the 6-County statelet. [See also J. Boyer Bell, The Secret Army (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1979).] The next step in the quest for national re-unification (inspired, in part, by the 1956 Hungarian Revolution against Soviet occupation) was the IRA physical force campaign of December 1956 – February 1962. In the March 5, 1957 26-County general election Sinn Féin elected abstentionist TDs in each Province: in Leinster, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh; in Ulster, Eunian O’Hanlon (brother of Fergal, killed in action at Brokeborough RUC Barracks on New Year’s night); in Connacht, John Joe McGirl; in Munster, John Joe Rice, garnering some 65,640 first preference votes in some nineteen constituencies. Again the political point was made.

In the 1960s there was an attempt by Marxists with an refomist agenda to infiltrate the Irish Republican movement. When pogroms and the violent suppression of the civil rights movement in the “North” led to a cry for Republican support, the Marxists were found wanting. During the winter of 1969/1970 another split occurred in the movement. It was reflected in Sinn Féin; the Marxists-Leninists-Stalinists (in possession of the Gardiner Street office – thereby calling themselves “Officials”) sought to end abstentionism. The traditional Republicans, agreeing with Commandant General Tom Maguire, sole surviving member of the Republican Second Dáil Éireann, that they had “neither the right nor the authority” to end abstentionism, gave their allegiance to the Provisional Army Council. The traditional Republicans of Sinn Féin (including Joe Clarke of 1916 fame) set up offices at 2a Lower Kevin Street in Dublin. In 1972, the so-called “Official Sinn Féin” (the “Stickies”) withdrew from even nominal support of an armed struggle they could not control, and later had a name change to the Workers Party, then the Democratic Left; their remnant are now to be found in the Irish Labour Party.

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh was elected President of Sinn Féin (“Kevin Street,” later “Provisional” Sinn Féin, later Sinn Féin (subsequently Republican Sinn Féin)) and maintained the allegiance to the bright dream of Pádraic Pearse and the men of 1916, and to the traditional Republican abstentionist policy. As the political party of the Irish Republican movement, Sinn Féin not only supported the struggle to end English occupation of Ireland, seeking a British declaration of intent to withdraw from Ireland, and the release of all political prisoners, but also, in 1971, proposed a vision for a New Ireland, to be presented to an all Ireland Constituent Assembly, based on the principle of subsidiarity and self-reliance, grounded in Ireland’s ancient past but using the latest democratic political and economic analyses to help restore, as Sinn Féin Vice President Daithí Ó Conaill put it, “the ancient prosperity of Ireland.”

Promulgated through the efforts of Seán Ó Brádaigh and the Irish Republican Publicity Bureau, and later by Éamonn Mac Thomáis, as Editor of An Poblacht, it was the Éire Nua plan, which would reunify Ulster as one of four Provinces, each with its own devolved government, while incorporating a Charter of Liberties (analogous to the American “Bill of Rights”) which would assure the religious and civil liberties of all of the people of Ireland, in the spirit of the Proclamation of 1916. [See also William Irwin Thompson, The Imagination of an Insurrection, Dublin, Easter 1916: A Study of an Ideological Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967); see also, Margaret Buckley, “A Proud History gives Confidence of Victory: Sinn Féin 1905-1956” (Dublin, Sinn Féin, 1956).]

Dissident elements, swayed by the siren song of potential political power in a Partition government, from time to time proposed the abandonment of abstentionism. Lifelong Republican and Irish Northern Aid co-founder Michael Flannery said to one such group who told him that they might elect four TDs and hold the balance of power in Dublin, that “if was not right for us to go into Leinster House with 44 TDs in 1926, it is certainly not right for you to go in with only 4.”

Ed Moloney, in A Secret History of the IRA (New York & London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2002), very accurately describes how a radical, Northern, power-hungry clique secretly manoeuvred to wrest control of Sinn Féin from the veteran leadership, and lead it away from its traditional policies, including abstentionism, in the process. One major difference from most other defections (except the initial “Stickies”) was that they sought to retain the name of Sinn Féin, whilst abandoning its principles. In 1986 Republican Sinn Féin / Sinn Féin Poblachtach, re-organized under the leadership of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh and Daithí Ó Conaill, and continues in the tradition of the Sinn Féin which embraced the 1916 Rising and elected the deputies which formed the First Dáil Éireann.

The adjective Republican was added to demonstrate the continuity with 1916, continued abstentionist opposition to the Partition of Ireland and to highlight the contrast with any other party or organization which might seek to trade on the good name of Sinn Féin. The Éire Nua plan (see Daithí Ó Conaill, “Towards a Peaceful Ireland” (Dublin: Sinn Féin Poblachtach, 1991)) continues as a vibrant part of the program of Republican Sinn Féin under the leadership of An Uachtarán (President) Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, re-confirmed at the 100th Árd Fheis of Republican Sinn Féin in November 2004.

sinn féin, sinn féin amháin

Cabhair Monthly Sustainer Launched in America

2006-06-18T13:01:00.000-07:00

Cabhair Monthly Sustainer Launched in America

Cabhair, is an Irish charitable organisation that provides financial assistance to the dependants and family members of Irish Republican political prisoners. I would urge everyone who reads this to help them in this most noble of work by making a contribution.

This month, Cumann Na Saoirse Náisiúnta (National Irish Freedom Committee) is starting its annual Monthly Sustainer program. The program is the cornerstone of the Irish Republican Political Activists Support (IRPAS) Campaign. The Sustainer program operates on the pledge principle, whereby, donors pledge a monthly contribution: the amount to be decided by the donor.

On Saturday, June 10th, campaign coordinators Patrick Williams appeared on the New York weekly radio program, Radio Free Eireann. Pat discussed briefly with the hosts, John McDonagh and Sandy Boyer, that there are still Republican political prisoners in both Irish states and that the dependants of these prisoners and other political activists deserve our assistance. He also told them that participants in the program would receive monthly bulletins informing them of up to date information regarding the plight of political activists who are imprisoned on the inside or in a state of virtual imprisonment on the outside!

The National Irish Freedom Committee supports the dependents of Republican political prisoners through Cabhair in Ireland. Cabhair has been in existence for many years supporting the dependents of faithful Republican prisoners, and ensnared Éire Nua political activists throughout the 32 Irish counties. Anyone wishing to take part in the program should contact at: IRPAS@irishfreedom.net and visit the NIFC's website at: www.irishfreedom.net

Those outside of North America should send all donations to Cabhair 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland.

Support the prisoners who support the All-Ireland Republic!

Oration at Wolfe Tone Commemoration, Bodenstown, June 11, 2006

2006-06-18T12:34:00.000-07:00

Oration at Wolfe Tone Commemoration, Bodenstown, June 11, 2006 by Dr Seán Maguire, Mayo, son of the late Comdt-General Tom Maguire, last faithful survivor of the Second (All-Ireland) Dáil Eireann.

A cháirde,

"We have come to the holiest place in Ireland: holier to us than the place where Patrick sleeps in Down. Patrick brought us life, but this man died for us. And though many before him and some since have died in testimony of the truth of Ireland's claim to nationhood, Wolfe Tone was the greatest of all that have died for Ireland whether in old time or in new. He was the greatest of Irish nationalists. I believe he was the greatest of Irish men. And if I am right in this I am right in saying that we stand in the holiest place in Ireland and that the holiest sod of a Nation's soil is the sod where the greatest of her dead lies buried."

That is the first paragraph of the address delivered by Pádraig Pearse at this spot on June 12, 1913. Pearse spoke again in Glasnevin Cemetery on August 1915 at the grave of another unconquerable man, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa. During that address he said, "Our foes are strong and wise and wary but strong and wise and wary as they are they cannot undo the miracles of God who ripens in the hearts of young men the seeds sown by the young men of another generation." Pearse continued: "Life springs from death and from the graves of patriot men and women spring living nations."

At Wolfe Tone's grave we are at the source of all the seeds sown by all the generations and we have the unbroken sequence of loyalty and faithfulness to Tone's teaching right down to the present day. Tone had a close friend and comrade, Thomas Russell, a Cork Protestant who is remembered in the famous ballad as "The Man from God Knows Where". He was interned without trial in the 1790s and was with Emmet who sent him to the North to organise the 1803 Rising there. Those are the first three links in the chain, Tone, Russell and Emmet. Michael Dwyer carried on in Co Wicklow. Thomas Davis, the Young Irelander, visited Bodenstown and found Tone's grave unmarked but guarded by the local blacksmith who would allow nobody to set foot on it.

The blacksmiths were one group who suffered excessively in '98 because it was they who made the pikes. Through the blacksmiths we have the connection and sequence with the local people - unbroken all the time. Tone was captured on a French warship in Lough Swilly, brought to Dublin and sentenced to death. While he was awaiting execution his captors made a botched attempt to cut his throat and tried to brand him as a suicide, a travesty which I do not believe. They tried to destroy his character as well as his body. They adopted the same manoeuvre with Roger Casement later on. When Tone's body was released for burial an attempt was made to keep the people away. It failed. The people would not tolerate his body being hijacked. The same treatment was given to Terence Mac Swiney. His funeral was hijacked also and we saw the same in our own day in the case of Frank Stagg. Davis, a Young Irelander, was here. The Fenians were here and that brings us to Pearse as I have said already.

We know that Pearse's faithful disciples, Liam Mellows, Brian O'Higgins, Mrs Margaret Buckley and Miss Mary MacSwiney, Seán Russell and Dáithí Ó Conaill, among others, spoke here. Pearse proclaimed the Republic at Easter 1916. The Proclamation was ratified by the people in the 1918 election and the deputies assembled in the Mansion House in January 1919. This was the First Dáil Éireann. It was the functioning sovereign Parliament of the 32 Counties. There was another election in 1921 which elected the Second Dáil Éireann. There were six women elected to it. The members - Teachtaí Dála - swore to defend the Republic against all enemies foreign and domestic.

The term Dáil Éireann by definition refers to the sovereign parliament of the 32 County United Ireland. The present occupants of Leinster House call themselves the 29th Dáil Éireann when in fact they are the 27th 26-County Assembly. The second Dáil Éireann voted on the Treaty of 1921 and by a majority of seven voted to accept that Treaty which would give them a Home Rule type of government with the King of England at its head. Those who voted for the Treaty reneged on their oath which was freely given and thereby committed perjury which was and is a poor foundation for any enterprise and signs on them.

None of the six women voted for the Treaty. The faithful members of the Second Dáil continued the sequence that had been legitimately established and kept their unbroken links and sequence back to Wolfe Tone. They continued to strive to achieve his motto "to break the connection with England, the never-failing source of all our political evils and to unite Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter".

Permit me an interesting deviation. In 1973 Brian Inglis wrote a book on Roger Casement. The book was reviewed by AJP Taylor, Professor of History at Oxford University. This is what he wrote, "Here is Casement's message for the present day. There is no Irish problem without solution. The problem that had marked Ireland for centuries is the British presence in Ireland. That problem can only be solved by British withdrawal." That is an independent Englishman's opinion. Having reneged on the Republic the Free State assembly attacked the faithful Republican forces in the Four Courts and released the Free State Reign of Terror.

The Republican Sinn Féin members of the Second Dáil continued to meet and organise but life was not easy and numbers began to diminish as deaths took place. In 1938 at a Sinn Féin meeting Miss Mary MacSwiney proposed that the authority of the Second (All-Ireland) Dáil be passed on to the Army Council of the Irish Republican Army. This is a procedure recognised in international law that when a legitimate government is under attack it may pass on its powers. The speaker here at Bodenstown in 1930 was one of the faithful members who voted for Miss MacSwiney's motion. He lived on to become the last faithful survivor of the Second (All-Ireland) Dáil Éireann. In 1969 he endorsed the Provisional Movement but when the Provisionals reneged and became a partitionist party that endorsement was promptly withdrawn in 1986.

He recognised and endorsed the Continuity Movement as the successors of the 1938 leadership and consequently as successors to the Second (All-Ireland) Dáil Éireann and the lineal descendants of 1916, 1867, 1848, 1803 and 1798, right back to Wolfe Tone. One of the arguments in favour of accepting the Treaty of Surrender is that the Irish Republican Army would be unable to carry on the fight any longer. Dom Brian Murphy OSB in his book Patrick Pearse and the Lost Republican Ideal refuted this theory and quotes from leaders in the south and west and he also quotes a memorandum from the British Commander, General Macready, to the British Cabinet, written on May 23, 1921: "I am convinced that by October unless a peaceful solution has been reached, it will not be safe to ask the troops to continue there another winter under the conditions which obtained during the last."

The 25th anniversary of the Belfast hunger strike is with us and those who reneged on Republicanism and became Stormont parliamentarians tell us that the hunger strikers were the beginning of their moves to accept the Good Friday surrender. Who do these people think they are that the can deceive people into their way of thinking. No matter how often Mr Adams and his hangers-on perform the Pontius Pilate manoeuvre and wash their hands in public they will convince nobody that Bobby Sands and his comrades died on hunger strike rather than wear a prison uniform no more than he died on hunger strike in order that young men and women could join the RUC/PSNI and wear a peeler's uniform.

Participation in a partition parliament attempts to deny the sovereignty of the Irish people. Sovereignty is unalienable and cannot be voted away no matter how great the majority. The referendum which purports to withdraw the claim to the Six Counties is invalid because the Six Counties are an integral part of the ancient Irish nation. The Six Counties are as much part of Críoch Fodhla as any other county. Mr Adams must try again because to quote an American aphorism you can't fool all the people all the time. My only comment is what Pearse said:

"Let no man blaspheme the cause that the dead generations of Ireland served."

We can trace back through all the years and all the vicissitudes right back to Wolfe Tone. The chain is unbroken and it now behoves us as faithful inheritors of a glorious past to pass on our inheritance clean and unsullied to our children and grandchildren and generations yet to come. Let the generations be able to look back on us and say they were faithful and they left us a priceless legacy. We saw that Thomas Russell and his comrades were prisoners during the 1790s and now today we have Republicans held as prisoners in both partitioned areas of our country. We send them our warmest greetings and we will remain faithful to the principles for which they are suffering.